Vorm en functie van prosodie in niet-westerse tale

Ebing, E.F.

Heuven, V.J. van

Odé, C.

Leiden University Scholary Publications

Vol. 4 Page 650 Session 90.2 JCPhS 95 Stockholm FORMAL AND FUNCTIONAL EVALUATION OF A MELODIC MODEL FOR STANDARD INDONESIAN Ewald F. Ebing, Vincent J. van. Heuven1 & Cecilia Ode Dept. Languages and Cultures of Southeast Asia and Q_ceania, .LeicU:n University 1Dept. Linguistics/Phonetics Laboratory, Letden Umverszty ABSTRACT A model of Indonesian intonation was perceptually evaluated usin~ an improved testing methodology an~ listener select~ ion In a second expenment the focus and boundary marldng functions of Indo-nesian intonation were investigated. 1 INTRODUCTION 'A model for Standard Indonesian into-nation has been developed following an analysis by synthesis methodology [1,2]. Successive versions of the model were perceptually evaluated by hav!ng n~tive Indonesian listeners rate melod1c versrons of utterances (human originals versus model-generated contours, .as well ~s a priori less adequate melodtes, e.g lime-shifted or Dutch contours) along a 10-point scale of formal melo~ic ad~~uacy [3]. Listeners proved very msensihve to the melodic differences among the ver-sions, so that we decided to ~-run the evaluation with (hopefully) Improved materials and more carefully selected listeners (section 2). It is difficult in Indonesian to distinguish between the accent-lending and boundary marking function of certain pitch movements [4]. In section 3, therefore, we examine h~w successfully Indonesian listeners can dts-ambiguate arithmetic. expressio~s with ambiguous focus distnbution and mternal bracketing. 2. FORMAL EVALUATION Stimuli were taken from our corgus of quasi-spontaneous monologue by an edu-cated speaker of Indonesian from Riau (East Sumatra) also use~ in. our eru:lier experiments [2,3}. The sumuh compnsed two tokens of the eight perceptually relevant pitch configurations found. in our previous experiments. Fo~r melodic ver-sions of each configuratiOn were pro-duced by manipulating F0• in the resy.n-thesis (for procedural detailS see [3,6]. a. Close-copy stylizations (COPY) . of human originals; these should receiVe the highest ratings. . b. Standardized versions (STAN), 1.e. generated according to our model; these should be (almost) as acceptable as COPY. c. Dutch-based versions (DUTCH). generated according to the Dutch intonation grammar [1,3]; these ver-sions should be rated as less accep-table than a or b. d. Mirrored versions (MIRROR). Close-copies were mirrored along the fre-quenc-y axis: rises be~ame falls and vice versa; these versiOns should re-ceive low ratings (as c). The target configura~o~s were now presented in their ongmal .contexts (rather than in isolation). To direct .the listeners' attention to the relevant pttch configuration_, the resynthesized context, but not the target configuration, w~s voiceless (whispered) throughout. This resulted in 64 stimulus tyi?es, each presented twice, yielding 128 judgments per listener. . . The experiment was run ~t Umver~ItaS Islam Riau in Pekanbaru wtth 25 umv~r­sity students. Seventeen spoke Rtau Malay as their first language, othe~s had a different mother tongue, e.g. Mmang-kabau. Listeners rated each ut~erance along a 10-point scale of melodtc ade-quacy (1: extremely poor;. 10: excellent). The results are summarized in Figure 1. The ordering of the accept~bility ra~ings for the entire group of. listeners ts as predicted. No difference was found be-tween COPY and STAN, .t(783)=.149. ins., nor between STAN and DUTCH, t(777)=1.4, ins. However, the COPY ver-ICPhS 95 Stockholm Session 90.2 Vol. 4 Page 651 sions were rated as significantly better than the DUTCH-versions, t(779)=3.12, p<.Ol. The MIRROR versions were rated as poorer than all other versions. Un-expectedly, STAN and DUTCH versions still do not differ significantly. '',-------------------~~ r~6 ~~:y: !I ~ § .... dutch ~ -mirror AJI Aiau BestAiau Figure 1. Acceptability of four melodic versions of Indonesian utterances broken down by listener selection. We decided to enhance the effects by selecting only listeners with (i) the same variety of Indonesian as the speaker of the stimuli, and (ii) who were optimally sensitive to melodic differences. First, the .. analysis was repeated for the 17 Riau listeners only. This time COPY and STAN versions do not differ from each other, t(538)=1.0, ins. but STAN and DUTCH do, t(532)=1.7, p<.05 (one-tailed). DUTCH and MIRROR versions differ as before, t(533)= 3.5, p<.Ol. As the most sensitive listeners, only those eight Riau listeners were selected who obtained '-F> 1 for the melodic ver-sion as a factor in listener~individual ANOVA's. Acceptability ratings are now better differentiated, while retaining the same ordering between conditions. These results show that the standardized pitch movements are ·perceptually adequate alternatives for close-copy stylizations. Moreover, to the Riau listeners, model-generated contours prove more acceptable than Dutch-based approximations. This confirms our hypothesis that the phonetic properties of the building blocks of Indonesian intonation are indeed language specific. Since the mirrored versions were included as a baseline condition, it is not surprising that they turn out to be the least acceptable. The fact that pitch contours that have been distorted in this manner are still rated in the upper half of the scale, is puzzling. Compared with results of similar experiments on English intonation [?J, Indonesian listeners are remarkably tolerant towards deviations. Finally, the difference between the whole group and the selected listeners suggests that regional and linguistic background does play a role: Riau listen-ers are more critical and discriminative. 3. ACCENTS AND BOUNDARIES The aim of our second experiment was to find out to what extent accentuation and boundary marking can be (indepen-dently) expressed by means of the pitch movements in our model. Focus distribution was manipulated by applying metalinguistic contrasts [5,6J.In the same set of test utterances, we also varied the position of a prosodic boun-dary by forcing the speaker to disam-biguate a potentially ambiguous arith-metic expression (cf. e.g. [8]). A single male native speaker of Indo-nesian produced eight versions of the same word sequence dua kali tiga tambah Iima, orthogonally varying the position. of the phrase boundary: 2x(3+5) versus (2x3 )+ 5, and focus structure: (1) narrow focus on the first numeral (2) narrow focus on the second numeral (3) narrow focus on the third numeral Each sentence was prompted by a ques-tion sentence to provide a context where one word was placed in focus. By mani-pulating F0 , model-generated contours were made for each realization. The 25 subjects mentioned above indic-ated where they thought the speaker had intended the internal bracket of the ex-pression to be, and - in a second part -which one of the three numerals in each phrase carried the strongest accent. Table I specifies the percentage of accent responses for each of the three relevant numerals broken down by in-tended focus condition, and by intended phrase boundary position, first for the Vol. 4 Page 652 Session. 90. 2· ICPhS 95 Stockholm model-generated pitch contours (A) and then for the human originals (B). Table I. Perceived accents (%)for focus on 1st, 2nd and 3rd numeral, ·broken down by boundary position; (A) human originals, (B) model-generated contours. A. boundary a:fter .i due to •= nwo. #1 num. #2 boundary :focus ace perceived on num. after on num. #1 #2 #3 #1 #2 #3 " " " 82 ' ' 55 37 B 27 " " 16 80 4 6 93 1 10 13 #3 49 28 23 24 60 17 25 32 Mean 49 39 12 28 63 ' 21 24 B. boundary after A due to Model num. #1 nlll!l. #!2 boundary focus ace perceived on num. after on num. !lol #2 #!3 #1 #2 #3 #1 ,, #1 45 25 35 48 40 12 _, 15 " 18 54 28 19 62 19 -1 ' #3 25 22 53 16 43 41 ' 21 Me,an 29 34 37 27 49 24 2 15 In the human originals, accents on the first and second numerals are mostly correctly perceived, although the percentages are lower than we expected, and quite probably lower than what would be obtained with speakers and listeners of English or Dutch. Perception of an accent on the third numeral is strongly disfavoured. Crucially, there is a clear effect of the position of the internal boundary on accent perception: chances of perceiving an accent increase immediately before a phrase boundary. This effect is stronger when focus is on the first syllable than on the second. For the model-generated contours, the same effects and interactions exist but in a weaker form. When the boundary is after the first numeral, the majority of accents is perceived on the syllables where they were generated, for all three positions: bias disfavouring the third numeral has disappeared. When the boundary is after the second numeral, some bias against perceiving accent on the third numeral remains, but it is clearly weaker than in the human originals. Apparently, our human speaker pronounced very clear accent-lending pitch movements on the first and second, but not on the third numeral. Our model-generated accents were identical for each numeral postt1on, i.e. smaller than the human accents on the first two numerals, but larger than the human accent on the third numeral. Again, there is an effect of boundary position on accent perception. This time, however, the effect is strongly asym-metrical: a boundary after the second numeral attracts many perceived accents onto the second numeral, but there is virtually no migration of accents to the first numeral when the boundary is after this numeral. Table II specifies percent boundaries perceived after the first versus second numerals for the human originals (A) and the model-generated contours (B), broken down by intended phrase boundary po-sition and intended focus condition. Table II: Correctly perceived phrase boundaries(%) broken down by intended boundary position and focus distribution (A) human originals, (B) model-gene-rated contours. A. boundary correctly Human perceived after focus numeral " numeral " • on num. #1 47 64 17 #2 27 79 52 ,, 41 77 37 Mean " 73 35 B. boundary correctly Model perceived after focus numeral #1 numeral #2 A on num. #1 49 69 20 #2 34 66 32 #3 41 76 35 Mean 41 70 29 There is a very strong effect, both for human and for model-generated contours, for more (twice as many) boundaries to be perceived after the second numeral than after the first. It is unclear at this time to what extent this is a stimulus effect. A stimulus analysis (not presen-ted) shows clear differences in duration structure as a function of intended boun-dary position, but the duration effects are in fact stronger for the first _numeral than for the second. Therefore, it seems that the effect is due to lingUistic expectancy. There is a smaller effect, both in hu-man and in model contours, to perceive ICPhS 95 Stockholm Session 90.2 Vol. 4 Page 653 (10 percent) more boundaries after the first numeral when it is accented, and (10 percent) fewer when the accent is on the second numeral. In human contours there is a complementary effect to perceive fewer boundaries after the second nu-meral when the accent is on the first, and to perceive more boundaries after a second accented numeral; in the model contours, however, this interaction be-tween accent and boundary position for the second numeral is no longer found. From the above we conclude that the perception of accentuation and melodic boundary marking are intertwined. Boun-daries are more likely to be perceived after accented words, and accents are more likely in pre-boundary position. Identification of accents and prosodic phrase boundaries is only partly success-ful, both with human and model-gene-rated pitch contours. However, asym-metries are stronger for the human originals. This may be due to the fact that the pitch movements used by the human speaker show large differences in excursion size as opposed to the- stan-dardized movements used in the model. 4. CONCLUSIONS The formal evaluation of the proposed intonation model has shown that the pitch contours produced by the model are acceptable substitutes for (close-copy stylizations of) the originals. The func-tional evaluation allows to important conclusions to be drawn: Firstly, is seems indeed true that the accent and boundary-marking functions are strongly intertwined in Indonesian; nevertheless, listeners were able, much better than at chance level, to distinguish between the functions. It is unclear at this moment whether this degree of inter-dependence is unusual. We know of no similar experiments, i.e. varying both focus and boundary positions, in other languages, so that we have no basis for comparison. Cross-linguistic experiments are essential for placing the peifonnance of the Indonesian listeners, with both human and model-generated contours, in their proper perspective. Secondly, formal evaluation of a melodic model (based on quality judg-ments) in itself is insufficient: it has to be complemented by a functional assess-ment of melodic adequacy. ACKNOWLEDGMENT Research supported by the Netherlands Organisation for Research through the Foundation for Language, Speech & Logic (project# 300-172-018). 5. REFERENCES [1] Ebing, E.F. (1991). "A preliminary description of pitch accents in Bahasa Indonesia", in: Proc. 12th lnt. Con. Phon. Se., Aix-en-Provence, pp. 258-261. [2] Ebing, E.F. (1994). "Towards an in-ventory of perceptually relevant pitch movements for Indonesian", in: C. Ode and V.J. van Heuven (eds.), Phonetic studies of Indonesian prosody, Semaian 9, Vakgroep TC Zuidoost-Azie en Ocea-nie, RU Leiden, pp. 181-210. [3] Hart, J. 't, R. Collier, A Cohen (1990). A perceptual study of intonation, Cambridge University Press. [4] Ebing, E.F. and Heuven, V.J. van (1994). "Some formal and functional aspects of Indonesian intonation", in: Proc. 7th lnt. Con. Austronesian Ling., Leiden (in press). (5] Heuven, V.J. van, (1994a) "What is the smallest prosodic domain?", in: P. Keating, (ed.), Papers in Laboratory Phonology Ill: phonological structure and phonetic fonn, London (Cambridge University Press), pp. 76-98. [6] Heuven, V.J. van, (1994b) "Introdu-cing prosodic phonetics", in: C. Ode, V.J. van Heuven, eds. Phonetic studies of Indonesian prosody, Semaian, 9, Leiden (V akgroep TC Zuidoost-Azie en Oceanie, RU Leiden), pp. 1-26. [7] Pijper, J.-R. de (1983). Modelling British English intonation, Foris, Dor-drecht. [8] Lehiste, I., Olive, J.P. and Streeter, L.A. (1976). "Role of duration in disambiguation syntactically ambiguous sentences", J. Acoust. Soc. Am., 60, pp. 1199-1202. 

Formal and functional evaluation of a melodic model for Standard Indonesian

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Formal and functional evaluation of a melodic model for Standard Indonesian

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