There has been much speculation on the significance of the Tablighi Jama'at, the workings of which remain secretive. The main controversy relates to its stance on political matters. Since its foundation, it has claimed to be completely aloof from politics. However, doubts have been sporadically raised as to the reality of this apolitical position, particularly in Pakistan where some well-known members of the movement were recently involved in the Afghan problem and in internal politics

Gaborieau, M.

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Transnational Islamic Movements: Tablighi Jama'at in Politics?

Leiden University Scholary Publications

Regional issuesI S I M  N E W S L E T T E R  3 / 9 9 21Marc Gaborieau is a senior research fellow at theCNRS, and a professor at the EHESS in Paris. He iscurrently head of the Centre d’Etudes de l’Inde etl’Asie du Sud (Paris, EHESS/CNRS) and co-director ofthe Programme de Recherches Interdisciplinaires surle Monde Musulman Phériphérique (Paris, EHESS).E-mail: mgb@ehess.frN o t e s1 . Marc Gaborieau, ‘Tablîg hî djamâcat, Encyclopaediaof Islam, 2n d ed., Leiden, E.J. Brill, Vol. X, 1998,pp.38-39; ‘Renouveau de l’Islam ou stratégiepolitique occulte? La Tâblighî jamâ’at dans le sous-continent indien et dans le monde’, in CatherineClémentin Ojha (ed.) (1997), Renouveaux religieuxen Asie, Paris, École Française d’Extrême Orient,p p . 211-229; ‘The Transformation of TablighiJama’at into a Transnational Movement undert h e Leadership of Muhammad Yusuf, 1944-1965’,in Muhammad Khalid Masud (ed.) Travellers inF a i t h. Studies of Tablighi Jama’at as a TransnationalMovement for Faith Renewal, Leiden, E.J. Brill(forthcoming). See also: ‘Islam on Tour: Die indo-pakistanische Bewegung Tablîghî Jamâcat’, O r i e n t,vol. 39/no 2, pp. 219-234; Yoginder S. Sikand(1998), ‘The Origins and Growth of the T a b l i g h iJ a m a a t in Britain’, Islam and Christian MuslimR e l a t i o n s, vol. 9/no 2, 171-192.2 . For a conspectus of this hagiographical literature,see the biographies of the leaders of the TablighiJama’at published in Marc Gaborieau, NicoleGrandin, Pierre Labrousse and Alexandre Popovic(eds) (1992), Dictionnaire biographique des savantset grandes figures du monde musulman périphériquedu XIXe siècle à nos jours, Paris, EHESS, fasc. No.1,pp. 6-20.So uth As iaM A RC  G A B O R I E A UThere has been much speculation on the significanceof the Tablighi Jama’at, the workings of which re-main secretive. The main controversy relates to itsstance on political matters. Since its foundation, ithas claimed to be completely aloof from politics.However, doubts have been sporadically raised as tothe reality of this apolitical position, particularly inPakistan where some well-known members of themovement were recently involved in the Afghanproblem and in internal politics.Transnational IslamicM o v e m e n t s :Tablighi Jama’ati n P o l i t i c s ?Tablighi Jama’at, a transnational Muslimproselytizing movement founded in India in1927, has its headquarters in Nizamuddin, asuburb of Delhi. From there it expandedquietly all over the world from 1948 onward,finally becoming conspicuous and influen-tial by the end of the 1970s. It was foundedon six basic principles: the invitation (d a ’ w a,or t a b l i g h) to Islam is not the affair of reli-gious specialists, but the responsibility of allMuslims who must devote their time andmoney to it; one should not wait for peopleto come to hear the preaching, but ratherpreachers should travel to reach the people;preaching is done by self-financing itinerantgroups; the mingling of all social classes isobligatory within these groups; the primaryobjective is to deepen the faith of thosewho are already Muslims, proselytism to-ward non-Muslims being marginal; and thepromotion of the unity of Muslims being aprimary objective, theological as well as po-litical controversies are prohibited insidethe movement.The secretive nature of the movementmakes it impossible to find direct evidenceof political strategies. There is nonethelessan indirect means of doing so: reconsider-ing its history, instead of focusing, as is usu-ally done, on self-statements and on doctri-nal literature, and trying to see if one canread in this history indications of political in-v o l v e m e n t .1 The historical literature con-cerning Tablighi Jama’at is of two kinds, in-ternal and external. From the founding ofthe movement until 1965 – a time when themovement was inconspicuous – the sourcesare exclusively internal and consist in bio-graphical (or rather hagiographical) litera-ture in Urdu, mostly produced by an institu-tion closely linked to the Tablighi Jama’at,the Nadwatul-‘ulama. The literature is com-prised of biographies of the founder,Muhammad Ilyas Kandhalawi (1885-1944),of his son and successor, Muhammad Yusuf(1917-1965), and of their close associates,particularly Muhammad Zakariyya (1898-1982), who produced the edifying booksused in the movement under the collectivename The Teachings of Islam.2 For the periodafter 1965, biographies are not available forIn’amul-Hasan, who ruled the movementfrom 1965 to 1995. In’amul-Hasan died re-cently and his biography has not yet comeout. However, the movement having be-come by that time conspicuous, there areexternal testimonies (unfortunately dis-parate and not continuous) about itsspreading and workings. Origins and expansionThe first striking point of this history isthat the very foundation of the movement isfirmly rooted in politics. It emerged in thedecade of 1920-1930, which is crucial in In-dian history: it witnessed a growing politicaldivergence of the Hindu and Muslim com-munities, which ultimately led to the parti-tion of the subcontinent between India andPakistan in 1947. This hostility was accom-panied by fierce competition in proselytiz-ing: Hindu revivalists of the Arya Samaj triedto bring back Muslim descendants of con-verts to their fold; and Muslims, in order towin their backing and comfort the otherMuslims, created organizations for ‘preach-ing’, a word which was rendered by the Ara-bic term tabligh. All of these organizationsproved ephemeral, except the most recent-ly created Tablighi Jama’at. One would betempted to say that it survived because itwas, unlike the others, apolitical. Upon clos-er examination, however, politics always re-mained in the background. It is not coinci-dental that the only pamphlet that Muham-mad IIyas ever wrote was addressed to thepoliticians on the eve of partition. It wouldtherefore be more precise to say that – con-trary to other Tabligh organizations – hehad a long-term political strategy which es-chewed short-term political involvement,and which ensured the durability of hism o v e m e n t .The world-wide expansion of the TablighiJama’at was the main task of MuhammadIlyas’ son and successor, Muhammad Yusuf.After the disturbances which followed thePartition in 1947, he first consolidated themovement all over the subcontinent. Thenewly drawn border between India and Pak-istan was ignored: as a transnational move-ment, Tablighi Jama’at does not considerborders to be significant. With this basefirmly established, Yusuf began to systemat-ically extend his organization worldwide. Heestablished bridgeheads in the two areaswhich he considered crucial for the world-wide expansion of his movement (Arabcountries, from 1948 and Western countriesfrom 1950 onwards). Starting from 1956, heestablished branches in the Afro-Asiancountries. Lately the movement has alsobeen active in China and Central Asia. In thehagiography, this expansion is openly pre-sented as a planned conquest of the worldin a wording and spirit reminiscent of themedieval holy war or j i h a d: Tablighi Jama’atis presented as a militant movement whichorganizes people quasi militarily. It is able tomobilize millions of people over the fivecontinents, as one can observe in the annu-al meetings called i j t i m a’ or on special occa-sions such as the funeral of In’amul Hasan inDelhi in 1995. It evidently aims to build onMuslim solidarity across borders, ignoringthe nation-states.Tight organizationTablighi Jama’at has a considerable holdon those who enter its fold. It has remainedfrom the beginning very centralized: theleadership has been jealously kept by thelineage of the founder, with a Centre( m a r k a z ) at Nizamuddin, from which author-ity is delegated to chiefs (a m i r) in the coun-tries, provinces, districts and towns. Localleaders from all over the world come regu-larly to the Centre for training. Memberswho want to remain or even rise in themovement must prove their commitment,showing that they are not reluctant tospend their own time and money for it. Theyhave to demonstrate the capacity to lead anaustere life according the model of theProphet and his Companions as describedin the edifying literature, which is circulatedand indefinitely commented upon at themeetings. This hold on its members is socomplete that sociologist Felice Dasetto de-scribed the movement as a ‘total institu-tion’, and compared it to the ‘sects’ whichhave multiplied in the contemporary world.But to what end is this power? This is diffi-cult to answer since the inner core of theTablighi Jama’at is not open to outsiders;nor is it open to ordinary members whohave not risen in the hierarchy and pledgedtheir commitment. None of those havingreached this inner core have ever spoken.Given its planned strategy of the conquestof the world, which has been consistentlymaintained, and the tight organization re-maining in the hands of one lineage, it is dif-ficult to believe that spiritual developmentis the only aim. It would not be necessary tokeep such a tight grip on members if thiswere the case. Given its secrecy, however,its ultimate aim is difficult to discern.Nonetheless, there are several indications,especially in Pakistan and Bangladesh, thatTablighi Jama’at is far from being indifferentto politics. Prominent members have beenclosely associated with the army and the in-telligence service active in Afghanistan. Thepresident of Pakistan, Mohammad RafiqTarar, is a Tablighi; he is believed to be themain promoter of the new bill for the en-forcement of the s h a r i ’ a. More generally, inits origins and in its leadership, Tablighi Ja-ma’at is closely linked with the Deobandischool, which has always been highly politi-cized and which currently backs the Talibanmovement in Afghanistan.Although the final interpretation of thesignificance of Tablighi Jama’at is not yet athand, scholars should not be too irenicaland manichaean, putting on one side purelyspiritual, peaceful and apolitical move-ments (among which Tablighi Jama’atwould be the best example); and on theother side the politically committed andoften violent Islamists which are represent-ed, for example, in South Asia by the Ja-ma’at-I Islami founded by Maududi (1903-1 9 7 9 ) .To my mind the dividing line is not be-tween apolitical and political movements; itis between two ways of conceiving politics.On the one hand, with the Islamists, wehave a short-sighted conception of politicsin the framework of the nation-states, whichaims at conquering power by the shortestroute. On the other hand, with other schoolslike the Tablighis and the Deobandis, thereis a far-sighted conception of politics. Goingbeyond the narrow borders of nation-states,they have not set fixed short-term ends.Putting politics most often in parentheses,they first build individuals and institutions,which over time may exert a more lastingpolitical influence. ♦T a b l i g h ipreachers fromMauritius at theairport of Saint-Denis, ReunionI s l a n d

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Transnational Islamic Movements: Tablighi Jama'at in Politics?

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