ABSTRACT-Does parental sexual orientation affect child development, and if so, how? Studies using convenience samples, studies using samples drawn from known populations, and studies based on samples that are representative of larger populations all converge on similar conclusions. More than two decades of research has failed to reveal important differences in the adjustment or development of children or adolescents reared by same-sex couples compared to those reared by other-sex couples. Results of the research suggest that qualities of family relationships are more tightly linked with child outcomes than is parental sexual orientation

Charlotte J Patterson

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Children of Lesbian and Gay
Parents
Charlotte J. Patterson
University of Virginia
ABSTRACT—Does parental sexual orientation affect child
development, and if so, how? Studies using convenience
samples, studies using samples drawn from known popu-
lations, and studies based on samples that are represen-
tative of larger populations all converge on similar
conclusions. More than two decades of research has failed
to reveal important differences in the adjustment or de-
velopment of children or adolescents reared by same-sex
couples compared to those reared by other-sex couples.
Results of the research suggest that qualities of family re-
lationships are more tightly linked with child outcomes
than is parental sexual orientation.
KEYWORDS—sexual orientation; parenting; lesbian; gay;
child; socialization
Does parental sexual orientation affect child development, and if
so, how? This question has often been raised in the context of
legal and policy proceedings relevant to children, such as those
involving adoption, child custody, or visitation. Divergent views
have been offered by professionals from the fields of psychology,
sociology, medicine, and law (Patterson, Fulcher, & Wainright,
2002). While this question has most often been raised in legal
and policy contexts, it is also relevant to theoretical issues. For
example, does healthy human development require that a child
grow up with parents of each gender? And if not, what would that
mean for our theoretical understanding of parent–child relations
(Patterson & Hastings, in press)? In this article, I describe some
research designed to address these questions.
EARLY RESEARCH
Research on children with lesbian and gay parents began with
studies focused on cases in which children had been born in the
context of a heterosexual marriage. After parental separation and
divorce, many children in these families lived with divorced
lesbian mothers. A number of researchers compared development
among children of divorced lesbian mothers with that among
children of divorced heterosexual mothers and found few signif-
icant differences (Patterson, 1997; Stacey & Biblarz, 2001).
These studies were valuable in addressing concerns of judges
who were required to decide divorce and child custody cases, but
they left many questions unanswered. In particular, because the
children who participated in this research had been born into
homes with married mothers and fathers, it was not obvious how
to understand the reasons for their healthy development. The
possibility that children’s early exposure to apparently hetero-
sexual male and female role models had contributed to healthy
development could not be ruled out.
When lesbian or gay parents rear infants and children from
birth, do their offspring grow up in typical ways and show healthy
development? To address this question, it was important to study
children who had never lived with heterosexual parents. In the
1990s, a number of investigators began research of this kind.
An early example was the Bay Area Families Study, in which
I studied a group of 4- to 9-year-old children who had been born to
or adopted early in life by lesbian mothers (Patterson, 1996, 1997).
Data were collected during home visits. Results from in-home
interviews and also from questionnaires showed that children had
regular contact with a wide range of adults of both genders, both
within and outside of their families. The children’s self-concepts
and preferences for same-gender playmates and activities were
much like those of other children their ages. Moreover, stand-
ardized measures of social competence and of behavior problems,
such as those from the Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL), showed
that they scored within the range of normal variation for a repre-
sentative sample of same-aged American children. It was clear
from this study and others like it that it was quite possible for
lesbian mothers to rear healthy children.
STUDIES BASED ON SAMPLES DRAWN FROM KNOWN
POPULATIONS
Interpretation of the results from the Bay Area Families Study
was, however, affected by its sampling procedures. The study
Address correspondence to Charlotte J. Patterson, Department of
Psychology, P.O. Box 400400, University of Virginia, Charlottesville,
VA 22904; e-mail: cjp@virginia.edu.
CURRENT DIRECTIONS IN PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE
Volume 15—Number 5 241Copyright r 2006 Association for Psychological Science
had been based on a convenience sample that had been as-
sembled by word of mouth. It was therefore impossible to rule out
the possibility that families who participated in the research
were especially well adjusted. Would a more representative
sample yield different results?
To find out, Ray Chan, Barbara Raboy, and I conducted re-
search in collaboration with the Sperm Bank of California (Chan,
Raboy, & Patterson, 1998; Fulcher, Sutfin, Chan, Scheib, &
Patterson, 2005). Over the more than 15 years of its existence,
the Sperm Bank of California’s clientele had included many
lesbian as well as heterosexual women. For research purposes,
this clientele was a finite population from which our sample
could be drawn. The Sperm Bank of California also allowed
a sample in which, both for lesbian and for heterosexual
groups, one parent was biologically related to the child and
one was not.
We invited all clients who had conceived children using the
resources of the Sperm Bank of California and who had children
5 years old or older to participate in our research. The resulting
sample was composed of 80 families, 55 headed by lesbian and
25 headed by heterosexual parents. Materials were mailed to
participating families, with instructions to complete them pri-
vately and return them in self-addressed stamped envelopes we
provided.
Results replicated and expanded upon those from earlier re-
search. Children of lesbian and heterosexual parents showed
similar, relatively high levels of social competence, as well as
similar, relatively low levels of behavior problems on the parent
form of the CBCL. We also asked the children’s teachers to
provide evaluations of children’s adjustment on the Teacher
Report Form of the CBCL, and their reports agreed with those of
parents. Parental sexual orientation was not related to children’s
adaptation. Quite apart from parental sexual orientation, how-
ever, and consistent with findings from years of research on
children of heterosexual parents, when parent–child relation-
ships were marked by warmth and affection, children were more
likely to be developing well. Thus, in this sample drawn from a
known population, measures of children’s adjustment were un-
related to parental sexual orientation (Chan et al., 1998; Fulcher
et al., 2005).
Even as they provided information about children born to
lesbian mothers, however, these new results also raised
additional questions. Women who conceive children at sperm
banks are generally both well educated and financially
comfortable. It was possible that these relatively privileged
women were able to protect children from many forms of dis-
crimination. What if a more diverse group of families were
to be studied? In addition, the children in this sample
averaged 7 years of age, and some concerns focus on older
children and adolescents. What if an older group of youngsters
were to be studied? Would problems masked by youth and
privilege in earlier studies emerge in an older, more diverse
sample?
STUDIES BASED ON REPRESENTATIVE SAMPLES
An opportunity to address these questions was presented by the
availability of data from the National Longitudinal Study of
Adolescent Health (Add Health). The Add Health study in-
volved a large, ethnically diverse, and essentially representative
sample of American adolescents and their parents. Data for our
research were drawn from surveys and interviews completed by
more than 12,000 adolescents and their parents at home and
from surveys completed by adolescents at school.
Parents were not queried directly about their sexual orienta-
tion but were asked if they were involved in a ‘‘marriage, or
marriage-like relationship.’’ If parents acknowledged such a
relationship, they were also asked the gender of their partner.
Thus, we identified a group of 44 12- to 18-year-olds who lived
with parents involved in marriage or marriage-like relationships
with same-sex partners. We compared them with a matched
group of adolescents living with other-sex couples. Data from the
archives of the Add Health study allowed us to address many
questions about adolescent development.
Consistent with earlier findings, results of this work revealed
few differences in adjustment between adolescents living with
same-sex parents and those living with opposite-sex parents
(Wainright, Russell, & Patterson, 2004; Wainright & Patterson,
2006). There were no significant differences between teenagers
living with same-sex parents and those living with other-sex
parents on self-reported assessments of psychological well-being,
such as self-esteem and anxiety; measures of school outcomes,
such as grade point averages and trouble in school; or measures of
family relationships, such as parental warmth and care from
adults and peers. Adolescents in the two groups were equally
likely to say that they had been involved in a romantic relationship
in the last 18 months, and they were equally likely to report having
engaged in sexual intercourse. The only statistically reliable
difference between the two groups—that those with same-sex
parents felt a greater sense of connection to people at school—
favored the youngsters living with same-sex couples. There were
no significant differences in self-reported substance use, delin-
quency, or peer victimization between those reared by same- or
other-sex couples (Wainright & Patterson, 2006).
Although the gender of parents’ partners was not an important
predictor of adolescent well-being, other aspects of family re-
lationships were significantly associated with teenagers’ ad-
justment. Consistent with other findings about adolescent
development, the qualities of family relationships rather than
the gender of parents’ partners were consistently related to ad-
olescent outcomes. Parents who reported having close rela-
tionships with their offspring had adolescents who reported more
favorable adjustment. Not only is it possible for children and
adolescents who are parented by same-sex couples to develop in
healthy directions, but—even when studied in an extremely
diverse, representative sample of American adolescents—they
generally do.
242 Volume 15—Number 5
Children of Lesbian and Gay Parents
These findings have been supported by results from many
other studies, both in the United States and abroad. Susan
Golombok and her colleagues have reported similar results with
a near-representative sample of children in the United Kingdom
(Golombok et al., 2003). Others, both in Europe and in the
United States, have described similar findings (e.g., Brewaeys,
Ponjaert, Van Hall, & Golombok, 1997).
The fact that children of lesbian mothers generally develop in
healthy ways should not be taken to suggest that they encounter
no challenges. Many investigators have remarked upon the fact
that children of lesbian and gay parents may encounter anti-gay
sentiments in their daily lives. For example, in a study of 10-
year-old children born to lesbian mothers, Gartrell, Deck,
Rodas, Peyser, and Banks (2005) reported that a substantial
minority had encountered anti-gay sentiments among their
peers. Those who had had such encounters were likely to report
having felt angry, upset, or sad about these experiences. Chil-
dren of lesbian and gay parents may be exposed to prejudice
against their parents in some settings, and this may be painful for
them, but evidence for the idea that such encounters affect
children’s overall adjustment is lacking.
CONCLUSIONS
Does parental sexual orientation have an important impact on
child or adolescent development? Results of recent research
provide no evidence that it does. In fact, the findings suggest that
parental sexual orientation is less important than the qualities of
family relationships. More important to youth than the gender of
their parent’s partner is the quality of daily interaction and the
strength of relationships with the parents they have.
One possible approach to findings like the ones described
above might be to shrug them off by reiterating the familiar adage
that ‘‘one cannot prove the null hypothesis.’’ To respond in this
way, however, is to miss the central point of these studies.
Whether or not any measurable impact of parental sexual
orientation on children’s development is ever demonstrated, the
main conclusions from research to date remain clear: Whatever
correlations between child outcomes and parental sexual
orientation may exist, they are less important than those between
child outcomes and the qualities of family relationships.
Although research to date has made important contributions,
many issues relevant to children of lesbian and gay parents remain
in need of study. Relatively few studies have examined the de-
velopment of children adopted by lesbian or gay parents or of
children born to gay fathers; further research in both areas would
be welcome (Patterson, 2004). Some notable longitudinal studies
have been reported, and they have found children of same-sex
couples to be in good mental health. Greater understanding of
family relationships and transitions over time would, however, be
helpful, and longitudinal studies would be valuable. Future re-
search could also benefit from the use of a variety of methodologies.
Meanwhile, the clarity of findings in this area has been ac-
knowledged by a number of major professional organizations.
For instance, the governing body of the American Psychological
Association (APA) voted unanimously in favor of a statement
that said, ‘‘Research has shown that the adjustment, develop-
ment, and psychological well-being of children is unrelated to
parental sexual orientation and that children of lesbian and gay
parents are as likely as those of heterosexual parents to flourish’’
(APA, 2004). The American Bar Association, the American
Medical Association, the American Academy of Pediatrics,
the American Psychiatric Association, and other mainstream
professional groups have issued similar statements.
The findings from research on children of lesbian and gay
parents have been used to inform legal and public policy debates
across the country (Patterson et al., 2002). The research litera-
ture on this subject has been cited in amicus briefs filed by
the APA in cases dealing with adoption, child custody, and also
in cases related to the legality of marriages between same-sex
partners. Psychologists serving as expert witnesses have pre-
sented findings on these issues in many different courts (Pat-
terson et al., 2002). Through these and other avenues, results of
research on lesbian and gay parents and their children are
finding their way into public discourse.
The findings are also beginning to address theoretical ques-
tions about critical issues in parenting. The importance of gen-
der in parenting is one such issue. When children fare well in
two-parent lesbian-mother or gay-father families, this suggests
that the gender of one’s parents cannot be a critical factor in child
development. Results of research on children of lesbian and gay
parents cast doubt upon the traditional assumption that gender is
important in parenting. Our data suggest that it is the quality of
parenting rather than the gender of parents that is significant for
youngsters’ development.
Research on children of lesbian and gay parents is thus lo-
cated at the intersection of a number of classic and contemporary
concerns. Studies of lesbian- and gay-parented families allow
researchers to address theoretical questions that had previously
remained difficult or impossible to answer. They also address
oft-debated legal questions of fact about development of chil-
dren with lesbian and gay parents. Thus, research on children of
lesbian and gay parents contributes to public debate and legal
decision making, as well as to theoretical understanding of
human development.
Recommended Reading
Golombok, S., Perry, B., Burston, A., Murray, C., Mooney-Somers, J.,
Stevens, M., & Golding, J. (2003). (See References)
Patterson, C.J., Fulcher, M., & Wainright, J. (2002). (See References)
Stacey, J., & Biblarz, T.J. (2001). (See References)
Wainright, J.L., & Patterson, C.J. (2006). (See References)
Wainright, J.L., Russell, S.T., & Patterson, C.J. (2004). (See References)
Volume 15—Number 5 243
Charlotte J. Patterson
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