Cindy M Yee

David M Amodio

John T Jost

Sarah L Master

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Neurocognitive correlates of
liberalism and conservatism
David M Amodio1, John T Jost1, Sarah L Master2 & Cindy M Yee2
Political scientists and psychologists have noted that, on
average, conservatives show more structured and persistent
cognitive styles, whereas liberals are more responsive to
informational complexity, ambiguity and novelty. We tested the
hypothesis that these profiles relate to differences in general
neurocognitive functioning using event-related potentials, and
found that greater liberalism was associated with stronger
conflict-related anterior cingulate activity, suggesting greater
neurocognitive sensitivity to cues for altering a habitual
response pattern.
Political scientists and psychologists have long noted differences in the
cognitive and motivational profiles of liberals and conservatives in the
USA and elsewhere. Across dozens of behavioral studies, conservatives
have been found to be more structured and persistent in their
judgments and approaches to decision-making, as indicated by higher
average scores on psychological measures of personal needs for order,
structure and closure1. Liberals, by contrast, report higher tolerance of
ambiguity and complexity, and greater openness to new experiences on
psychological measures. Given that these associations between political
orientation and cognitive styles have been shown to be heritable,
evident in early childhood, and relatively stable across the lifespan2,3,
we hypothesized that political orientation may be associated with
individual differences in a basic neurocognitive mechanism involved
broadly in self-regulation.
Behavioral research suggests that psychological differences between
conservatives and liberals map onto the widely-studied self-regulatory
process of conflict monitoring4. Conflict monitoring is a general
mechanism for detecting when one’s habitual response tendency is
mismatched with responses required by the current situation, and this
function has been associated with neurocognitive activity in the
anterior cingulate cortex (ACC)5. For example, in the Go/No-Go
task used in our study, participants must quickly respond to a
frequently presented Go stimulus, such that the ‘Go’ response becomes
habitual. However, on a small proportion of trials, a No-Go stimulus
appears, signaling that one’s habitual response should be withheld.
Hence, a No-Go stimulus conflicts with the prepotent Go response
tendency. Such response conflict is typically associated with enhanced
ACC activity, measured using functional magnetic resonance imaging
or event-related potentials (ERPs)6,7. We proposed that differences
in conservatives’ and liberals’ responsiveness to complex and poten-
tially conflicting information relates to the sensitivity of this general
mechanism for monitoring response conflict.
To test the hypothesis that political liberalism (versus conservatism)
would be associated with greater conflict-related ACC activity, we
recorded electroencephalographs from 43 right-handed subjects (63%
female) as they performed the Go/No-Go task. Subjects reported their
political attitudes confidentially on a –5 (extremely liberal) to +5
(extremely conservative) scale. This single-item measure has been
found to account for approximately 85% of the statistical variance in
presidential voting intentions in American National Election studies
between 1972 and 2004 (ref. 8). Among participants in the present study
who reported voting in the 2004 presidential election, a more liberal
(versus conservative) ideological orientation strongly predicted voting
for John Kerry versus George Bush (r(21) ¼ 0.79, P o 0.001).
In our study, conflict-related ACC activity was indexed by two ERP
components. ERPs are scalp-recorded voltage changes reflecting the
concerted firing of neurons in response to a psychological event. The
response-locked error-related negativity (ERN), which peaks at approxi-
mately 50 ms following an incorrect behavioral response9,10, reflects
–35a b
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Liberal
Conservative
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Figure 1 The relation between political
orientation and a neurocognitive index of conflict
monitoring. (a) Political liberalism was associated
with larger No-Go error-related negativity (ERN)
amplitudes, as indicated by more negative scores,
suggesting greater neurocognitive sensitivity
to response conflict. (b) ERP waveforms
corresponding to No-Go errors, with the waveform
for correct Go responses subtracted, are shown for
both liberal and conservative participants
(response made at 0 ms; ERN peaked at 44 ms
postresponse), with the inset showing the voltage
map of the scalp distribution of the ERN.
(c) Source localization indicates a dorsal anterior
cingulate generator for the ERN, computed at
peak amplitude (red line in panel b).
Received 11 June; accepted 16 August; published online 9 September 2007; doi:10.1038/nn1979
1Department of Psychology, New York University, 6 Washington Place, New York, New York 10003, USA. 2Department of Psychology, 1285 Franz Hall, University of
California, Los Angeles, Los Angeles, California 90095, USA. Correspondence should be addressed to D.M.A. (david.amodio@nyu.edu).
1246 VOLUME 10 [ NUMBER 10 [ OCTOBER 2007 NATURE NEUROSCIENCE
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conflict between a habitual tendency (for example, the Go response) and
an alternative response (for example, to inhibit behavior in response to a
No-Go stimulus)11. We also examined the No-Go N2 component,
which is believed to reflect conflict-monitoring activity associated with
the successful inhibition of the prepotent Go response on No-Go trials7.
Relationships between political orientation and these neurocognitive
indices were examined using correlation analyses (two-tailed).
Political orientation was strongly correlated with ERN amplitudes
(r(41) ¼ 0.59, P o 0.001; Fig. 1a), as well as with No-Go N2
amplitudes (r(41) ¼ 0.41, P o 0.01). Specifically, liberalism (versus
conservatism) was associated with significantly greater conflict-related
neural activity when response inhibition was required (that is, on No-
Go trials; Fig. 1b). ERPs associated with correct Go responses, scored to
correspond to the ERN and No-Go N2, were not related to political
orientation (P’s 4 0.37). Supplementary source localization analyses
confirmed that the ERN and the N2 originated from activity in the
dorsal ACC (accounting for 90% and 91% of signal variance, respec-
tively; Fig. 1c, see also Supplementary Fig. 1 and Supplementary
Methods online), which is consistent with previous results7,10.
Larger average ERN amplitudes corresponded to better behavioral
accuracy on No-Go trials (r(41) ¼ 0.49, P o 0.001), but were
unrelated to accuracy on Go trials. No-Go N2 amplitudes were not
related to behavior. In addition, stronger liberalism was correlated with
greater accuracy on No-Go trials (r(41) ¼ 0.30, P o 0.05).
This association suggests that a more conservative orientation is related
to greater persistence in a habitual response pattern, despite signals that
this response pattern should change (for example, on No-Go
trials). This behavioral finding is consistent with the relationship that
we observed between political orientation and neurocognitive sensi-
tivity to response conflict. However, a partial correlation analysis
revealed that the relation between political attitudes and the ERN
remained strong after covarying behavioral accuracy (r(40) ¼ 0.53,
P o 0.001), suggesting that liberalism (versus conservatism) is asso-
ciated with greater neurocognitive sensitivity to cognitive conflict,
beyond what was observed from behavioral performance alone.
Taken together, our results are consistent with the view that political
orientation, in part, reflects individual differences in the functioning of
a general mechanism related to cognitive control and self-regulation1–3.
Stronger conservatism (versus liberalism) was associated with less
neurocognitive sensitivity to response conflicts. At the behavioral
level, conservatives were also more likely to make errors of commission.
Although a liberal orientation was associated with better performance
on the response-inhibition task examined here, conservatives would
presumably perform better on tasks in which a more fixed response
style is optimal.
The study of personality variables that accompany differences in
political opinions goes back more than fifty years12. Although recent
work has demonstrated neural correlates of political information
processing and candidate preferences13,14, this is the first study con-
necting individual differences in political ideology to a basic neuro-
cognitive mechanism for self-regulation. These findings may serve to
promote the integration of theorizing in the traditionally disparate
fields of political psychology and cognitive neuroscience. More broadly,
this research demonstrates how integration across multiple levels of
analysis can begin to elucidate how abstract, seemingly ineffable
constructs, such as ideology, are reflected in the human brain.
Note: Supplementary information is available on the Nature Neuroscience website.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We thank A. Crampton and B. Lehman for assisting with data collection, and
S. Taylor for laboratory support.
AUTHOR CONTRIBUTIONS
D.A. designed and conducted the experiment, analyzed the data, and wrote the
manuscript. J.J. contributed to theorizing and co-wrote the manuscript. S.M.
assisted in experiment design, data collection, and writing the manuscript.
C.Y. provided laboratory support and supervision, and assisted in writing
the manuscript.
Published online at http://www.nature.com/natureneuroscience
Reprints and permissions information is available online at http://npg.nature.com/
reprintsandpermissions
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Neurocognitive correlates of liberalism and conservatism.

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Neurocognitive correlates of liberalism and conservatism.

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