Exit Options and the Allocation of Authority

We analyze the optimal allocation of authority in an organization whose members have conflicting preferences. One party has decision-relevant private information, and the party who obtains authority decides in a self-interested way. As a novel element in the literature on decision rights, we consider exit option contracts: the party without decision rights is entitled to prematurely terminate the relation after the other party's choice. We show that under such a contract it is always optimal to assign authority to the informed and not to the uninformed party, irrespective of the parties' conflict of interest. Indeed, the first-best efficient solution can be obtained by such a contract

The majority-party disadvantage: revising theories of legislative organization

Dominant theories of legislative organization in the U.S. rest on the notion that the majority party arranges legislative matters to enhance its electoral fortunes. Yet, we find little evidence for a short-term electoral advantage for the majority party in U.S. state legislatures. Furthermore, there appears to be a pronounced downstream majority-party disadvantage. To establish these findings, we propose a technique for aggregating the results of close elections to obtain as-if random variation in majority-party status. We argue that the results from this approach are consistent with a phenomenon of inter-temporal balancing, which we link to other forms of partisan balancing in U.S. elections. The article thus necessitates revisions to our theories of legislative organization, offers new arguments for balancing theories, and lays out an empirical technique for studying the effects of majority-party status in legislative contexts

Party membership and campaign activity in Britain: The impact of electoral performance

The article examines the impact of electoral results on party membership and activity. Previous studies have focused on the long-term effects of electoral success or failure, suggesting that they may produce a spiral of demobilization or mobilization. The article shows that the dramatic change of electoral fortunes experienced by British parties at the 1997 general election broke this spiral, with the outcome leading to significant changes in the health and activity of local parties. It is concluded that dramatic election results can have significant implications for party organization

Economic Transition and the Communist Party: an Empirical Study on the CPC Membership Using the 1988-2002 CASS CHIP Surveys

This paper, using nationally representative household surveys, examines the changes in the membership structure of the Communist Party of China (CPC) during the 1990s. We concentrate on urban China and investigate how socioeconomic characteristics of the region (city) influence the membership structure of the regional party organization, focusing on the CPC members' age structure, structure of educational level, and occupational structure.The major findings and their implications are as follows. First, it is suggested that the marketization makes it more difficult for the party to recruit well-educated and professionally qualified youths. This finding will reflect the fact the marketization has enlarged opportunities for younger generation to gain socioeconomic success without the CPC membership. Second, the finding also implies that the younger generation's incentives for joining the CPC has been increasingly important determinants of the CPC membership structure. Third, as the result, the technocratic reorganization of urban party organization seems to progress through the conventional bureaucratic-elite path in governmental and public-owned sector rather than through the newly emerging qualified professional elite path, suggesting dual elite paths in urban society.economic transition, marketization, communist party, urban China

An indexed bibliography of papers on tagging of tunas and billfishes

Two working parties, the Working Party on Tuna Tagging in the Pacific and Indian Oceans and the Working Party on Tuna Tagging in the Atlantic and Adjacent Seas, were formed by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAD) of the United Nations in 1966 (Anonymous, 1966c). The conveners of these working parties were Dr. James Joseph of the Inter-American Tropical Tuna Commission (IATTC) and Mr. FrankJ. Mather, III, of the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution (WHOI). In 1969 it was recommended that the working parties direct their attention toward billfishes, as well as tunas (Anonymous, 1969h: 5). One report (Joseph and working party, 1969) was published by the Pacific and Indian Oceans group and two (Mather and working party, 1969 and 1972) were published by the Atlantic Ocean and adjacent seas group. Each of the three working party reports included a bibliography of tuna and billfish tagging. The compiler of this bibliography, beginning in 1970, prepared numerous memoranda to the members of the working party, most of which included lists of papers on tuna and billfish tagging which had come to his attention, either directly or through members of the working party. The bibliographies in the three working party reports and the lists of references in the memoranda form the basis for the present bibliography

Party Organization and Electoral Competition

We propose a model in which two parties select the internal organization that helps them win the election. Party choices provide incent

Blue velvet: The rise and decline of the new Czech right

In Comparative terms, the Czech centre-right (principally the Civic Democratic Part - ODS - of Václav Klaus) represents an intermediate case between those of Hungary and Poland. Although Klaus's ODS has always been a large, stable and well-institutionalized party, avoiding the fragmentation and instability of the Polish right, the Czech centre-right has not achieved the degree of ideological and organization concentration seen in Hungary. A number of factors are commonly used to explain party (and party system) formation in the region in relation to the Czech centre-right. These include both structural-historical explanations and 'political' factors such as macro-institutional design, strategies of party formation in the immediate post-transition period, ideological construction and charismatic leadership. In fact, both the early success and subsequent decline of the Czech right were rooted in a single set of circumstances: (1) the early institutionalization of ODS as the dominant party of the mainstream right; and (2) the right's immediate and successful taking up of the mantle of market reform and technocratic modernization. © 2004 Taylor and Francis Ltd

Tariff reform: an imperial strategy, 1903-1913

Historians of the Edwardian tariff reform movement have disagreed about its aims. This article examines the motivations of the leadership of the Tariff Reform League, which was by far the most influential organization in the tariff lobby. It argues that the League's leaders were more empire-minded than often allowed, and that it was the preferential tariff which they were most determined to promulgate and defend. Indeed, attempts by the Balfourite wing of the Unionist party to twist tariff reform away from its imperial origins were strongly resisted by the League, and the forces of protection within the organization were also carefully controlled. When the Tariff Reform League finally gave way on the issue of imperial preference in January 1913, it was not because it had suddenly ceased to be concerned about the unity of the empire. Rather, the widespread public hostility to the imposition of food duties showed no sign of diminishing, thus making it difficult to persuade a critical mass within the Unionist party that tariff reform was a politically viable strategy of imperial federation

Models of Party Democracy : Patterns of Party Regulation in Post-War European Constitutions

This article investigates the ways in which political parties are codified in modern democratic constitutions, providing a unique cross-sectional and longitudinal overview of the patterns of party constitutionalization in post-war Europe. Although the constitutions of western liberal democracies traditionally have paid little attention to the role of parties, evidence suggests that in contemporary democracies, both old and new, they are increasingly accorded a formal constitutional status. Little is known, however, about the substantive content of their constitutional position or about the normative connotations of their constitutional codification. In this article, we demonstrate that there is a clear correlation between the nature and the intensity of party constitutionalization and the newness and historical experience of democracy and that, with time, the constitutional regulation of the extra-parliamentary organization and the parties’ rights and duties has gained in importance at the expense of their parliamentary and electoral roles. The analysis furthermore suggests that three distinct models of party constitutionalization can be identified – Defending Democracy, Parties in Public Office, and Parties as Public Utilities – each of which is related to a particular conception of party democracy