“I really wanted to stay in the same neighbourhood...”: Neighbourhood choice and satisfaction in the context of forced relocation: young people’s perspectives

In recent decades, many Dutch municipalities have adopted policies of urban restructuring in deprived neighbourhoods. These policies lead to the forced relocation of the families living in the original social housing. As these families have priority in the housing market, the forced relocation is often seen as an opportunity to move to a better neighbourhood. However, we know little about how such a forced relocation and the new neighbourhood are experienced by the children of these families. Why are some young people satisfied with their new neighbourhood whereas others are not, and does their involvement in the decision-making process play a role in this? In this paper I show that for young people a sense of belonging is an important determinant of neighbourhood choice and satisfaction, more so than neighbourhood socioeconomic status. Moreover, limited perceived choice leads to lower neighbourhood satisfaction, but this is primarily related to actual or perceived obstacles in the housing market rather than the involvement of children in intra-family decision-making

Urban governance and social cohesion : effects of urban restructuring policies in two Dutch cities

Problems in distressed neighbourhoods in Western European cities are nowadays often linked to a decline in social cohesion. Recently, some authors have discussed the link between the concept of social cohesion and the concept of urban governance. One of the important questions they raise is whether the process of urban governance can create more social cohesion in a neighbourhood. We contribute to the discussion in this paper. Our specific perspective is the unintended effect of urban governance processes. Three different types of cohesion are introduced: horizontal, vertical, and institutional. Our aim is to ascertain to what extent aspects of urban governance, such as cooperation among different partners, affect these types of social cohesion. The paper is based on a research project that has recently been carried out in two early-post-WWII neighbourhoods in the Dutch cities of Utrecht and The Hague. Both neighbourhoods are subjected to urban restructuring policies

Urban governance and social cohesion: case studies in two Dutch cities

Problems in distressed urban neighbourhoods are nowadays often linked to a decline in social cohesion. Recently, some authors have made a link between this concept of social cohesion and the concept of urban governance. One of the important questions in their works is if urban governance can create more social cohesion in neighbourhoods. In this paper we want to add to this discussion by looking at the indirect and unmeant effects of urban governance processes. Practical arrangements of urban governance in two Dutch neighbourhoods are central in this paper. We will focus on the question to what extent processes of inter-departmental cooperation, integrality and citizen participation affect social cohesion at neighbourhood level. In doing this, we will pay attention to possible negative effects. The paper is based on a research project that has recently been carried out in two early-post-WWII neighbourhoods in the Dutch cities of Utrecht and The Hague. In both neighbourhoods urban restructuring policies are applied. In the paper we will first give a general overview of the (recent) literature on social cohesion and urban governance. This will be followed by a brief description of the research neighbourhoods. After that we will describe a selected number of policies and activities in these neighbourhoods and try to find out how these policies and activities affect the creation or maintenance of social cohesion. In the conclusion we will give some recommendations: how can the relation between urban governance processes and social cohesion be improved

Buurten bij beleidsmakers. Stedelijke beleidsprocessen, bewonersparticipatie en sociale cohesie in vroeg-na-oorlogse stadswijken in Nederland

In many Dutch post-WWII neighbourhoods, a considerable difference could ensue if corporate actors such as housing association personnel, welfare organizations, and local government authorities were more aware of the consequences of the way in which they shape governance processes. We contend that they should be more precise about the goals they want to achieve, for example when speaking about enhancing social cohesion in the neighbourhood or involving residents in restructuring policies. Besides more attention for these intended effects, corporate actors should also be more aware of the unintended effects of their actions, resulting from the way they deal with residents. Examples are residents’ disappointment and irritation brought about by poor communication and uncertainty about the future. We have investigated the factors that affect social cohesion and citizen participation in three Dutch post-WWII neighbourhoods. We were particularly interested in the question to what extent policy processes were important for this relationship. Our research questions were addressed from two perspectives: that of the professionals (based on in-depth face-to-face interviews) and that of the residents (based on a survey among the residents of three early post-WWII neighbourhoods in the Netherlands). In our research, we have distinguished three types of social cohesion (horizontal, vertical, and institutional cohesion), reflecting the variety of actors that are involved in urban governance processes. We have also demonstrated that intervening on one dimension of social cohesion can affect other dimensions of cohesion, both in a positive and a negative way. Political decisiveness, for example, has a positive influence on solidarity, but at the same time it may also lead to feelings of isolation amongst some residents. Both findings ask for precision of the corporate actors. For example: instead of ‘enhancing social cohesion in the neighbourhood’, they could also strive to ‘increase residents’ feelings of solidarity’. The same holds for citizen participation: ‘increasing the involvement of citizens’ can be translated into more definite goals, like ‘increasing the number of residents attending an information meeting’ or ‘stimulating people to visit the office of the housing corporation’s maintenance staff’. We contend that not only policy interventions, but also -and primarily- the processes that precede these interventions determine the development of social cohesion. Nevertheless, corporate actors seem to deny the importance of for example residents’ knowledge and their confidence in local politics on the one hand and exaggerate the importance of such characteristics as level of education, income, and ethnic background on the other

Stedelijk beleid en sociale cohesie in twee Nederlandse herstructureringswijken : Nieuw-Hoograven (Utrecht) en Bouwlust (Den Haag)

In many Dutch post-WWII neighbourhoods, a considerable difference could ensue if corporate actors such as housing association personnel, welfare organizations, and local government authorities were more aware of the consequences of the way in which they shape governance processes. We contend that they should be more precise about the goals they want to achieve, for example when speaking about enhancing social cohesion in the neighbourhood or involving residents in restructuring policies. Besides more attention for these intended effects, corporate actors should also be more aware of the unintended effects of their actions, resulting from the way they deal with residents. Examples are residents’ disappointment and irritation brought about by poor communication and uncertainty about the future. We have investigated the factors that affect social cohesion and citizen participation in three Dutch post-WWII neighbourhoods. We were particularly interested in the question to what extent policy processes were important for this relationship. Our research questions were addressed from two perspectives: that of the professionals (based on in-depth face-to-face interviews) and that of the residents (based on a survey among the residents of three early post-WWII neighbourhoods in the Netherlands). In our research, we have distinguished three types of social cohesion (horizontal, vertical, and institutional cohesion), reflecting the variety of actors that are involved in urban governance processes. We have also demonstrated that intervening on one dimension of social cohesion can affect other dimensions of cohesion, both in a positive and a negative way. Political decisiveness, for example, has a positive influence on solidarity, but at the same time it may also lead to feelings of isolation amongst some residents. Both findings ask for precision of the corporate actors. For example: instead of ‘enhancing social cohesion in the neighbourhood’, they could also strive to ‘increase residents’ feelings of solidarity’. The same holds for citizen participation: ‘increasing the involvement of citizens’ can be translated into more definite goals, like ‘increasing the number of residents attending an information meeting’ or ‘stimulating people to visit the office of the housing corporation’s maintenance staff’. We contend that not only policy interventions, but also -and primarily- the processes that precede these interventions determine the development of social cohesion. Nevertheless, corporate actors seem to deny the importance of for example residents’ knowledge and their confidence in local politics on the one hand and exaggerate the importance of such characteristics as level of education, income, and ethnic background on the other

Zijn bewonersorganisaties nog wel van deze tijd?

In many Dutch post-WWII neighbourhoods, a considerable difference could ensue if corporate actors such as housing association personnel, welfare organizations, and local government authorities were more aware of the consequences of the way in which they shape governance processes. We contend that they should be more precise about the goals they want to achieve, for example when speaking about enhancing social cohesion in the neighbourhood or involving residents in restructuring policies. Besides more attention for these intended effects, corporate actors should also be more aware of the unintended effects of their actions, resulting from the way they deal with residents. Examples are residents’ disappointment and irritation brought about by poor communication and uncertainty about the future. We have investigated the factors that affect social cohesion and citizen participation in three Dutch post-WWII neighbourhoods. We were particularly interested in the question to what extent policy processes were important for this relationship. Our research questions were addressed from two perspectives: that of the professionals (based on in-depth face-to-face interviews) and that of the residents (based on a survey among the residents of three early post-WWII neighbourhoods in the Netherlands). In our research, we have distinguished three types of social cohesion (horizontal, vertical, and institutional cohesion), reflecting the variety of actors that are involved in urban governance processes. We have also demonstrated that intervening on one dimension of social cohesion can affect other dimensions of cohesion, both in a positive and a negative way. Political decisiveness, for example, has a positive influence on solidarity, but at the same time it may also lead to feelings of isolation amongst some residents. Both findings ask for precision of the corporate actors. For example: instead of ‘enhancing social cohesion in the neighbourhood’, they could also strive to ‘increase residents’ feelings of solidarity’. The same holds for citizen participation: ‘increasing the involvement of citizens’ can be translated into more definite goals, like ‘increasing the number of residents attending an information meeting’ or ‘stimulating people to visit the office of the housing corporation’s maintenance staff’. We contend that not only policy interventions, but also -and primarily- the processes that precede these interventions determine the development of social cohesion. Nevertheless, corporate actors seem to deny the importance of for example residents’ knowledge and their confidence in local politics on the one hand and exaggerate the importance of such characteristics as level of education, income, and ethnic background on the other

Bewonersorganisaties : wat is daar zo goed aan?

In many Dutch post-WWII neighbourhoods, a considerable difference could ensue if corporate actors such as housing association personnel, welfare organizations, and local government authorities were more aware of the consequences of the way in which they shape governance processes. We contend that they should be more precise about the goals they want to achieve, for example when speaking about enhancing social cohesion in the neighbourhood or involving residents in restructuring policies. Besides more attention for these intended effects, corporate actors should also be more aware of the unintended effects of their actions, resulting from the way they deal with residents. Examples are residents’ disappointment and irritation brought about by poor communication and uncertainty about the future. We have investigated the factors that affect social cohesion and citizen participation in three Dutch post-WWII neighbourhoods. We were particularly interested in the question to what extent policy processes were important for this relationship. Our research questions were addressed from two perspectives: that of the professionals (based on in-depth face-to-face interviews) and that of the residents (based on a survey among the residents of three early post-WWII neighbourhoods in the Netherlands). In our research, we have distinguished three types of social cohesion (horizontal, vertical, and institutional cohesion), reflecting the variety of actors that are involved in urban governance processes. We have also demonstrated that intervening on one dimension of social cohesion can affect other dimensions of cohesion, both in a positive and a negative way. Political decisiveness, for example, has a positive influence on solidarity, but at the same time it may also lead to feelings of isolation amongst some residents. Both findings ask for precision of the corporate actors. For example: instead of ‘enhancing social cohesion in the neighbourhood’, they could also strive to ‘increase residents’ feelings of solidarity’. The same holds for citizen participation: ‘increasing the involvement of citizens’ can be translated into more definite goals, like ‘increasing the number of residents attending an information meeting’ or ‘stimulating people to visit the office of the housing corporation’s maintenance staff’. We contend that not only policy interventions, but also -and primarily- the processes that precede these interventions determine the development of social cohesion. Nevertheless, corporate actors seem to deny the importance of for example residents’ knowledge and their confidence in local politics on the one hand and exaggerate the importance of such characteristics as level of education, income, and ethnic background on the other

Stedelijk beleid en sociale cohesie

In many Dutch post-WWII neighbourhoods, a considerable difference could ensue if corporate actors such as housing association personnel, welfare organizations, and local government authorities were more aware of the consequences of the way in which they shape governance processes. We contend that they should be more precise about the goals they want to achieve, for example when speaking about enhancing social cohesion in the neighbourhood or involving residents in restructuring policies. Besides more attention for these intended effects, corporate actors should also be more aware of the unintended effects of their actions, resulting from the way they deal with residents. Examples are residents’ disappointment and irritation brought about by poor communication and uncertainty about the future. We have investigated the factors that affect social cohesion and citizen participation in three Dutch post-WWII neighbourhoods. We were particularly interested in the question to what extent policy processes were important for this relationship. Our research questions were addressed from two perspectives: that of the professionals (based on in-depth face-to-face interviews) and that of the residents (based on a survey among the residents of three early post-WWII neighbourhoods in the Netherlands). In our research, we have distinguished three types of social cohesion (horizontal, vertical, and institutional cohesion), reflecting the variety of actors that are involved in urban governance processes. We have also demonstrated that intervening on one dimension of social cohesion can affect other dimensions of cohesion, both in a positive and a negative way. Political decisiveness, for example, has a positive influence on solidarity, but at the same time it may also lead to feelings of isolation amongst some residents. Both findings ask for precision of the corporate actors. For example: instead of ‘enhancing social cohesion in the neighbourhood’, they could also strive to ‘increase residents’ feelings of solidarity’. The same holds for citizen participation: ‘increasing the involvement of citizens’ can be translated into more definite goals, like ‘increasing the number of residents attending an information meeting’ or ‘stimulating people to visit the office of the housing corporation’s maintenance staff’. We contend that not only policy interventions, but also -and primarily- the processes that precede these interventions determine the development of social cohesion. Nevertheless, corporate actors seem to deny the importance of for example residents’ knowledge and their confidence in local politics on the one hand and exaggerate the importance of such characteristics as level of education, income, and ethnic background on the other

Stedelijk beleid, bewonersparticipatie en sociale cohesie in vroeg-naoorlogse stadswijken in Nederland

In many Dutch post-WWII neighbourhoods, a considerable difference could ensue if corporate actors such as housing association personnel, welfare organizations, and local government authorities were more aware of the consequences of the way in which they shape governance processes. We contend that they should be more precise about the goals they want to achieve, for example when speaking about enhancing social cohesion in the neighbourhood or involving residents in restructuring policies. Besides more attention for these intended effects, corporate actors should also be more aware of the unintended effects of their actions, resulting from the way they deal with residents. Examples are residents’ disappointment and irritation brought about by poor communication and uncertainty about the future. We have investigated the factors that affect social cohesion and citizen participation in three Dutch post-WWII neighbourhoods. We were particularly interested in the question to what extent policy processes were important for this relationship. Our research questions were addressed from two perspectives: that of the professionals (based on in-depth face-to-face interviews) and that of the residents (based on a survey among the residents of three early post-WWII neighbourhoods in the Netherlands). In our research, we have distinguished three types of social cohesion (horizontal, vertical, and institutional cohesion), reflecting the variety of actors that are involved in urban governance processes. We have also demonstrated that intervening on one dimension of social cohesion can affect other dimensions of cohesion, both in a positive and a negative way. Political decisiveness, for example, has a positive influence on solidarity, but at the same time it may also lead to feelings of isolation amongst some residents. Both findings ask for precision of the corporate actors. For example: instead of ‘enhancing social cohesion in the neighbourhood’, they could also strive to ‘increase residents’ feelings of solidarity’. The same holds for citizen participation: ‘increasing the involvement of citizens’ can be translated into more definite goals, like ‘increasing the number of residents attending an information meeting’ or ‘stimulating people to visit the office of the housing corporation’s maintenance staff’. We contend that not only policy interventions, but also -and primarily- the processes that precede these interventions determine the development of social cohesion. Nevertheless, corporate actors seem to deny the importance of for example residents’ knowledge and their confidence in local politics on the one hand and exaggerate the importance of such characteristics as level of education, income, and ethnic background on the other

Citizen participation in a non-restructured Dutch post-war neighbourhood

In many Dutch post-WWII neighbourhoods, a considerable difference could ensue if corporate actors such as housing association personnel, welfare organizations, and local government authorities were more aware of the consequences of the way in which they shape governance processes. We contend that they should be more precise about the goals they want to achieve, for example when speaking about enhancing social cohesion in the neighbourhood or involving residents in restructuring policies. Besides more attention for these intended effects, corporate actors should also be more aware of the unintended effects of their actions, resulting from the way they deal with residents. Examples are residents’ disappointment and irritation brought about by poor communication and uncertainty about the future. We have investigated the factors that affect social cohesion and citizen participation in three Dutch post-WWII neighbourhoods. We were particularly interested in the question to what extent policy processes were important for this relationship. Our research questions were addressed from two perspectives: that of the professionals (based on in-depth face-to-face interviews) and that of the residents (based on a survey among the residents of three early post-WWII neighbourhoods in the Netherlands). In our research, we have distinguished three types of social cohesion (horizontal, vertical, and institutional cohesion), reflecting the variety of actors that are involved in urban governance processes. We have also demonstrated that intervening on one dimension of social cohesion can affect other dimensions of cohesion, both in a positive and a negative way. Political decisiveness, for example, has a positive influence on solidarity, but at the same time it may also lead to feelings of isolation amongst some residents. Both findings ask for precision of the corporate actors. For example: instead of ‘enhancing social cohesion in the neighbourhood’, they could also strive to ‘increase residents’ feelings of solidarity’. The same holds for citizen participation: ‘increasing the involvement of citizens’ can be translated into more definite goals, like ‘increasing the number of residents attending an information meeting’ or ‘stimulating people to visit the office of the housing corporation’s maintenance staff’. We contend that not only policy interventions, but also -and primarily- the processes that precede these interventions determine the development of social cohesion. Nevertheless, corporate actors seem to deny the importance of for example residents’ knowledge and their confidence in local politics on the one hand and exaggerate the importance of such characteristics as level of education, income, and ethnic background on the other