Linguistic and Cognitive Ability of Children Before Five Years Old on Their Effort to Communicate Action

We here described on the ability of children before their old five years old. They have a special power in learning their life to able to do something. Of course, they have a difficult thing regarding how to communicate each other. To make a communication, an action should be done, therefore, the cognition is a very important thing that must be sharpened. As it is discussed, linguistics is a study can be entered to all subcategory aspects. The linguistics has significant value on its contribution based on the effort of the children to obtain the communication action. Many phenomena can be described in the present study. The result showed all normal children can do communication with their mother in a unique way

Cognitive function in childhood and lifetime cognitive change in relation to mental wellbeing in four cohorts of older people

Background: poorer cognitive ability in youth is a risk factor for later mental health problems but it is largely unknown whether cognitive ability, in youth or in later life, is predictive of mental wellbeing. The purpose of this study was to investigate whether cognitive ability at age 11 years, cognitive ability in later life, or lifetime cognitive change are associated with mental wellbeing in older people.Methods: we used data on 8191 men and women aged 50 to 87 years from four cohorts in the HALCyon collaborative research programme into healthy ageing: the Aberdeen Birth Cohort 1936, the Lothian Birth Cohort 1921, the National Child Development Survey, and the MRC National Survey for Health and Development. We used linear regression to examine associations between cognitive ability at age 11, cognitive ability in later life, and lifetime change in cognitive ability and mean score on the Warwick Edinburgh Mental Wellbeing Scale and meta-analysis to obtain an overall estimate of the effect of each.Results: people whose cognitive ability at age 11 was a standard deviation above the mean scored 0.53 points higher on the mental wellbeing scale (95% confidence interval 0.36, 0.71). The equivalent value for cognitive ability in later life was 0.89 points (0.72, 1.07). A standard deviation improvement in cognitive ability in later life relative to childhood ability was associated with 0.66 points (0.39, 0.93) advantage in wellbeing score. These effect sizes equate to around 0.1 of a standard deviation in mental wellbeing score. Adjustment for potential confounding and mediating variables, primarily the personality trait neuroticism, substantially attenuated these associations.Conclusion: associations between cognitive ability in childhood or lifetime cognitive change and mental wellbeing in older people are slight and may be confounded by personality trait difference

Explaining the socio-economic gradient in child outcomes: the intergenerational transmission of cognitive skills

Papers in this volume and elsewhere consistently find a strong relationship between children's cognitive abilities and their parents' socio-economic position (SEP). Most studies seeking to explain the paths through which SEP affects cognitive skills suffer from a potentially serious omitted variables problem, as they are unable to account for an important determinant of children's cognitive abilities, namely parental cognitive ability. A range of econometric strategies have been employed to overcome this issue, but in this paper, we adopt the very simple (but rarely available) route of using data that includes a range of typically unobserved characteristics, such as parental cognitive ability and social skills. In line with previous work on the intergenerational transmission of cognitive skills, we find that parental cognitive ability is a significant predictor of children's cognitive ability; moreover, it explains one sixth of the socio-economic gap in those skills, even after controlling for a rich set of demographic, attitudinal and behavioural factors. Despite the importance of parental cognitive ability in explaining children's cognitive ability, however, the addition of such typically unobserved characteristics does not alter our impression of the relative importance of other factors in explaining the socio-economic gap in cognitive skills. This is reassuring for studies that are unable to control for parental cognitive ability.

Nationalism, cognitive ability, and interpersonal relations

Interpersonal relations are shaped by the judgements associated with the social categories that individuals perceive in their social contacts. I develop a model of how those judgments form based on a theory of symbolic values. The model depicts the interaction between two values, one associated with an inherited ethnic trait (nationality) and one with an endogenous achievement trait (income). Individuals with lower cognitive ability are predicted to invest more value on nationalism and to have hostile relations with immigrants. Multiple equilibria are possible and better schooling may eliminate equilibria with xenophobia. Econometric findings based on data from three large surveys corroborate the predictions derived from the theoretical model. --nationalism,xenophobia,interpersonal relations,value systems

Does cognitive ability influence responses to the Warwick-Edinburgh Mental Well-Being Scale?

It has been suggested that how individuals respond to self-report items relies on cognitive processing. We hypothesized that an individual's level of cognitive ability may influence these processes such that, if there is a hierarchy of items within a particular questionnaire, as demonstrated by Mokken scaling, the strength of that hierarchy will vary according to cognitive ability. Using data on 8,643 men and women from the National Child Development Survey (1958 birth cohort; Power, & Elliott, 2006), we investigated, using Mokken scaling, whether the 14 items that make up the Warwick-Edinburgh Mental Well-Being Scale (Tennant et al., 2007)-completed when the participants were 50 years of age-form a hierarchy and whether that hierarchy varied according to cognitive ability at age 11 years. Among the sample as a whole, we found a moderately strong unidimensional hierarchy of items (Loevinger's coefficient [H] = 0.48). We split participants into 3 groups according to cognitive ability and analyzed the Mokken scaling properties of each group. Only the medium and high cognitive ability groups had acceptable (?0.3) invariant item ordering (assessed using the HT statistic). This pattern was also found when the 3 cognitive ability groups were assessed within men and women separately. Greater attention should be paid to the content validity of questionnaires to ensure they are applicable across the spectrum of mental ability

The Labor Market Returns to Cognitive and Noncognitive Ability: Evidence from the Swedish Enlistment

We use data from the military enlistment for a large representative sample of Swedish men to assess the importance of cognitive and noncognitive ability for labor market outcomes. The measure of noncognitive ability is based on a personal interview conducted by a psychologist. Unlike survey-based measures of noncognitive ability, this measure is a substantially stronger predictor of labor market outcomes than cognitive ability. In particular, we find strong evidence that men who fare badly in the labor market in the sense of long-term unemployment or low annual earnings lack noncognitive but not cognitive ability. We point to a technological explanation for this result. Noncognitive ability is an important determinant of productivity irrespective of occupation or ability level, though it seems to be of particular importance for workers in a managerial position. In contrast, cognitive ability is valuable only for men in qualified occupations. As a result, noncognitive ability is more important for men at the verge of being priced out of the labor market.Personality; Noncognitive ability; Cognitive ability; Intelligence; Human capital

The Importance of Cognitive Abilities at Primary School for Educational and Occupational Success in the Life Course of a Dutch Generation, born around 1940.

This paper gives empirical evidence of the role of cognitive ability in social stratification by analyzing a Dutch longitudinal data set (the so-called Noord-Brabant cohort), as a contribution to the debates around The Bell Curve. Differences in early cognitive ability influence educational success. The differences in that early cognitive ability between respondents with different educational levels increase during their life course. Selection and allocation in the educational system is partly based on these differences in cognitive ability, independent of the parental background of pupils. This early cognitive ability doesn’t directly affect the selection and allocation at the labor-market, independent of the attained educational level. The same holds for income and early cognitive ability. Generally speaking differences in early cognitive abilities are more important in processes of educational attainment for men than women. Differences in cognitive ability play therefore an important role in the making and unmaking of social inequality, based on class.intelligence; income; education; occupational status;

Smoking, childhood IQ and cognitive function in old age

Objectives: To examine the association between smoking history and cognitive function in old age, and whether it remains after controlling for childhood cognitive ability (IQ) and adult socioeconomic status (SES).Methods: In the Lothian Birth Cohort 1936 Study, 1080 men and women, who previously participated in a nationwide IQ-type test in childhood, were followed up at age 70. The associations between smoking history and age 70 IQ, general cognitive ability (g), processing speed, memory, and verbal ability were assessed.Results: Lower childhood IQ was associated with a higher risk of becoming a smoker and continuing to smoke in late life, and with reduced lung function (FEV1) in late life. Current smokers scored significantly lower than ex-smokers and never smokers on tests of age 70 IQ general cognitive ability, and processing speed, but not memory or verbal ability. After controlling for childhood IQ and SES, current smoking at age 70 (but not pack years of smoking) was associated with impairments in general cognitive ability and processing speed.Conclusion: Smoking in old age makes a small, independent contribution to cognitive performance in old age. (c) 2012 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.</p

Disliked but free to speak : cognitive ability is related to supporting freedom of speech for groups across the ideological spectrum

Freedom of speech for all citizens is often considered as a cornerstone of democratic societies. In three studies, we examined the relationship between cognitive ability and support for freedom of speech for a variety of social groups across the ideological spectrum (N (1) varies between 1,373 and 18,719, N (2) = 298, N (3) = 395). Corroborating our theoretical expectations, although cognitive ability was related to more affective prejudice toward relatively conservative groups and less affective prejudice toward relatively liberal groups (Study 2), people with higher levels of cognitive ability were more in favor of freedom of speech for all target groups (Studies 1-3). The relationship between cognitive ability and freedom of speech support was mediated by intellectual humility (preregistered Study 3). These results indicate that cognitive ability contributes to support for the democratic right of freedom of speech for all social-ideological groups

Cognitive ability does not predict objectively measured sedentary behaviour: evidence from three older cohorts

Higher cognitive ability is associated with being more physically active. Much less is known about the associations between cognitive ability and sedentary behavior. Ours is the first study to examine whether historic and contemporaneous cognitive ability predicts objectively measured sedentary behavior in older age. Participants were drawn from 3 cohorts (Lothian Birth Cohort, 1936 [LBC1936] [n = 271]; and 2 West of Scotland Twenty-07 cohorts: 1950s [n = 310] and 1930s [n = 119]). Regression models were used to assess the associations between a range of cognitive tests measured at different points in the life course, with sedentary behavior in older age recorded over 7 days. Prior simple reaction time (RT) was significantly related to later sedentary time in the youngest, Twenty-07 1950s cohort (p = .04). The relationship was nonsignificant after controlling for long-standing illness or employment status, or after correcting for multiple comparisons in the initial model. None of the cognitive measures were related to sedentary behavior in either of the 2 older cohorts (LBC1936, Twenty-07 1930s). There was no association between any of the cognitive tests and the number of sit-to-stand transitions in any of the 3 cohorts. The meta-analytic estimates for the measures of simple and choice RT that were identical in all cohorts (n = 700) were also not significant. In conclusion, we found no evidence that objectively measured sedentary time in older adults is associated with measures of cognitive ability at different time points in life, including cognitive change from childhood to older age