118 research outputs found

    Structural Injustice and the Place of Attachment

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    Reflection on the historical injustice suffered by many formerly colonized groups has left us with a peculiar account of their claims to material objects. One important upshot of that account, relevant to present day justice, is that many people seem to think that members of indigenous groups have special claims to the use of particular external objects by virtue of their attachment to them. In the first part of this paper I argue against that attachment-based claim. In the second part I suggest that, to provide a normatively defensible account of why sometimes agents who are attached to certain external objects might also have special claims over them, the most important consideration is whether the agents making such claims suffer from structural injustice in the present. In the third part I try to explain why structural injustice matters, in what way attachment-based claims relate to it and when they count

    Capitalism will not give us the will to fight capitalism - what we need is a new International

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    With the rich getting richer and the poor getting poorer, and with socialist parties around Europe fighting only for national attention, is there hope for an international left? Lea Ypi writes that, more than ever, the world has to be made by those sceptical of capitalism. She makes the case for rebuilding international solidarity

    Jeremy Corbyn’s rise shows the true value of political parties

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    The process that led to the election of Jeremy Corbyn was so important because it questioned the model of political parties as electoral machines. It showed that a party can be a living association, writes Lea Ypi

    Borders of class: migration and citizenship in the capitalist state

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    In many recent debates on the political theory of immigration, conflicts between immigrants and citizens of host societies are explored along identity lines. In this paper, I defend the relevance of social class. I focus on two types of conflict—distributive and cultural—and show how class boundaries play a crucial role in each. In contrast to both defenders and critics of freedom of movement, I argue that borders have always been (and will continue to be) open for some and closed for others. The same applies to barriers on integration and civic participation. It is time to revive the connection between immigration and social class and to start carving political solutions that begin with the recognition of class injustice as a fundamental democratic concern

    Europe's xhiro - the EU enlargement process

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    EU enlargement was one of the main topics on the agenda at the European Political Community summit in Granada on 5 October. Lea Ypi writes that much like an Albanian xhiro, Europe continues to go round in circles over the issue

    Commerce and colonialism in Kant’s philosophy of history

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    Facts, Principles and the Third Man

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    In the dialogue entitled “Parmenides” Plato introduces an objection to his own theory of ideas, one that he never managed to answer, dubbed by Aristotle as the “Third Man” argument. According to that objection, the theory of ideas is threatened with infinite regress when examining why a specific Platonic form (say, justice) is predicated of a particular set of facts. This article seeks to show how any defence of fact-insensitive principles like the one offered by G.A. Cohen in his recent book “Rescuing Justice and Equality” is vulnerable to a similar objection. Cohen wants to insist that, when showing why facts support principles, the process of reason-giving is finite and terminates in fact-independent comprehensive principles. But something like the Third Man argument undermines Cohen’s conclusion just as it does Plato’s. The search for ultimate fact-independent principles is indeed threatened by infinite regress. Dans le dialogue intitulĂ© ‘Parmenides’ Platon introduit une objection Ă  sa propre thĂ©orie des idĂ©es, Ă  laquelle il n’a jamais rĂ©ussi Ă  rĂ©pondre, appelĂ©e par Aristote l’argument du « troisiĂšme homme ». D’aprĂšs cette objection, la thĂ©orie des idĂ©es est menacĂ©e par une rĂ©gression Ă  l’infini lorsque l’on examine comment une forme platonique spĂ©cifique (par exemple, la justice) s’établit Ă  partir d’un ensemble particulier de faits. Cet article cherche Ă  montrer que toute dĂ©fense de principes insensibles aux faits, comme celle offerte par G.A. Cohen dans son livre rĂ©cent, Rescuing Justice and Equality est vulnĂ©rable Ă  une objection semblable. Cohen voudrait montrer que lorsque l’on montre pourquoi certains faits soutiennent des principes, le processus explicatif est fini et se termine dans des principes complets qui sont indĂ©pendants des faits. Mais, quelque chose de semblable Ă  l’argument du troisiĂšme homme est susceptible de saper les conclusions de Cohen comme celles de Platon. La recherche pour des principes ultimes indĂ©pendants des faits est bien menacĂ© par une rĂ©gression Ă  l’infini

    On revolution in Kant and Marx

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    This essay compares the thoughts of Kant and Marx on revolution. It focuses in particular on two issues: the contribution of revolutionary enthusiasm to the cause of emancipatory political agents and its educative role in illustrating the possibility of progress for future generations. In both cases, it is argued, the defence of revolution is offered in the context of illustrating the possibility of moral progress for the species, even if not for individual human beings, and brings out the centrality of collective agency in moving toward universal moral goals. Discussing the implications of these points is of significant historical interest: it allows us to defend an interpretation of Kant’s political thought which is sensitive to the material conditions of historical development and to rescue Marx from an amoral reading of his philosophy of history. Reflecting on the role and preconditions of transformative collective agency is also of normative interest: it allows us to better evaluate the significance of political events that, firstly, re-shape the boundaries of political feasibility and, secondly, play a crucial educative role in motivating future progressive initiatives

    Political commitment and the value of partisanship

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    This article defends the value of partisanship for political commitment. It clarifies what political commitment is, how it resembles and differs from other forms of commitment, and under what conditions it can prosper. It argues that political commitment is sustained and enhanced when agents devoted to particular political projects form a lasting associative relation that coordinates future action both on behalf of their future selves and of similarly committed others. Partisanship contributes to the feasibility of such projects, and helps strengthen them from a motivational and epistemic perspective. Although partisanship is also often criticized for sacrificing individuals’ independence of thought and action, if we value political commitment, this is a necessary trade-off

    From revelation to revolution: the critique of religion in Kant and Marx

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    This article examines Kant’s and Marx’s analysis of religion in its relation to human emancipation. It highlights some important affinities in their accounts of human nature and their critique of religious authority including: the emphasis on freedom as distinguishing human beings from other species, the relation between moral and political progress, the critique of revealed religion, the role of political community and the importance of ethical community to achieve moral emancipation
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