371 research outputs found
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The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement
[Excerpt] The economic and strategic architectures of Asia are evolving. One part of this evolving architecture is the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP), a free trade agreement that includes nations on both sides of the Pacific. The existing TPP, which originally came into effect in 2006, consists of Brunei, Chile, New Zealand, and Singapore. The United States, Australia, Peru, and Vietnam have committed themselves to joining and expanding this group. The third round of discussions among the eight countries took place in Brunei, during the week of October 4, 2010. The third round saw the formal inclusion of Malaysia in the negotiations.
Other architectures, such as the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum, and the East Asia Summit (EAS) have both economic and strategic aspects. They can be grouped into two categories: (1) groupings that are Asia-centric in approach or origins and exclude the United States, and (2) those that are Trans-Pacific in nature and that include, or would include, the United States and other Western Hemispheric nations. The TPP is one vehicle that could be used to shape the U.S. agenda with the region. The United States, by signaling its intention to join the EAS and by working to elevate its relationship with ASEAN to a more strategic level, appears to be shaping regional architectures in a way that will be more inclusive and trans-Pacific in nature.
Asia is viewed as of vital importance to U.S. trade and security interests. According to the U.S. Trade Representative, the Asia-Pacific region is a key driver of global economic growth and accounts for nearly 60% of global GDP and roughly 50% of international trade. Since 1990, Asia-Pacific goods trade has increased 300% while there has been a 400% increase in global investment in the region. The United States has pursued its regional trade interests both bilaterally and through multilateral groupings such as APEC, which has linked the Western Hemisphere with Asia. There appears to be a correlation between increasing intra-regional economic activity and increasing intra-regional political and diplomatic cooperation. Many observers view the more recent intra-Asian Association of Southeast Asian States (ASEAN) plus three—China, Japan, South Korea—and the ASEAN plus six (also known as the East Asia Summit)—China, Japan, South Korea, India, Australia, New Zealand—groups as having attracted more interest within the region in recent years. China\u27s rapidly expanding economy and Japan\u27s developed economy have made them attractive trading partners to many Asian nations. Until recently, many regional states also viewed the United States as having been distracted by events in Iraq and Afghanistaa This had led some to increasingly look to China and Japan as key partners. China may be shifting to a more assertive posture in the region, which may affect relations in the region. Secretary of State Clinton attended the East Asia Summit in Hanoi in October 2010 and President Obama stated he plans to attend the 2011 East Asia Summit in Jakarta.
U.S. participation in the TPP involves the negotiation of FTAs with New Zealand, Brunei, Malaysia, and potentially, Vietnam. The United States currently has FTAs in force with Chile, Singapore, Australia, and Peru. Bilateral negotiations with New Zealand may focus on agricultural goods such as beef and dairy products. The possible inclusion of Vietnam has proven controversial from the standpoint of certain U.S. industry groups, such as textiles and apparel, as well as those concerned with labor, human rights and intellectual property issues. The involvement of Vietnam could add a higher level of difficulty, yet is illustrative of the challenges associated with developing a truly Asia-Pacific-wide trade grouping. All the potential parties may face complex negotiations in integrating the myriad FTAs that already exist between some TPP parties
A study of the synthesis of 3-port electrical filters with Chebyshev or elliptic response characteristics
The paraunitary property of lossless networks has been exploited to determine relationships for the scattering parameters of 3-port networks (filter pairs) to predispose approximate Chebyshev or elliptic frequency response characteristics. Prior work by Belevitch, Zhu and Chen determined the relationships for Butterworth frequency response characteristics. Networks which demonstrate approximations to Chebyshev and elliptic response characteristics were synthesized from the reflection coefficient of the network using the Darlington method for the second- and third-order cases. Filter pairs which have perfect, non-approximate Chebyshev or elliptic response characteristics were shown not to exist
The Social Trifecta of Human Misery and Problematical Constructions of the Self: Implication for Formation and Supervision
I wish to propose that three broad and pervasive social realities—consumerism, income inequality, and certain aspects of postmodernity—constitute a perfect storm of suffering for the individuals, families, communities and congregations in our care. These social realities are, for most societies touched by the globalization of capitalism, the trifecta of human misery. Though I continue to draw upon the insights of psychology, I can no longer imagine focusing solely upon the intrapsychic and interpersonal lives of the suffering individuals, couples, and families in my counseling office. I face a similar challengeteaching and advising students preparing for ministry or supervising candidates seeking to become pastoral counselors. How can I limit their training and formation to the utilization of psychologies and theologies that are occupied almost exclusively with individuals and their private relationships
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India: Domestic Issues, Strategic Dynamics, and U.S. Relations
[Excerpt] President Barack Obama’s Administration has sought to build upon the deepened U.S. engagement with India begun by President Bill Clinton in 2000 and expanded upon during much of the past decade under President G.W. Bush. This “U.S.-India 3.0” diplomacy was most recently on display in July 2011, when the second U.S.-India Strategic Dialogue session saw a large delegation of senior U.S. officials visit New Delhi to discuss a broad range of global and bilateral issues. Many analysts view the U.S.-India relationship as being among the world’s most important in coming decades and see potentially large benefits to be accrued through engagement on many convergent interests. Bilateral initiatives are underway in all areas, although independent analysts in both countries worry that the partnership has lost momentum in recent years. Outstanding areas of bilateral friction include obstacles to bilateral trade and investment, including in the high-technology sector; outsourcing; the status of conflict in Afghanistan; climate change; and stalled efforts to initiate civil nuclear cooperation.
India is the world’s most populous democracy and remains firmly committed to representative government and rule of law. Its left-leaning Congress Party-led ruling national coalition has been in power for more than seven years under the leadership of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, an Oxford-trained economist. New Delhi’s engagement with regional and other states is extensive and reflects its rising geopolitical status. The national economy has been growing rapidly—India’s is projected to be the world’s third-largest economy in the foreseeable future—yet poor infrastructure, booming energy demand, and restrictive trade and investment practices are seen to hamper full economic potential. Despite the growth of a large urban middle-class, India’s remains a largely rural and agriculture-based society, and is home to some 500-600 million people living in poverty. This report will be updated periodically
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Indonesia: Domestic Politics, Strategic Dynamics, and American Interests
Indonesia is a very important country to the United States, especially since the
terrorist attacks of 9/11. Its importance stems from its status as the world’s fourth
most populous country and the most numerous Islamic country, its political
instability, its role as an unwitting host to radical Islamic and terrorist groups, and its
geographic position astride key trade routes linking the oil-rich Middle East with the
developing Far East. This report surveys key aspects of Indonesia’s domestic politics
and foreign policy orientation. It provides an overview of the bilateral relationship
between the United States and Indonesia and examines Indonesia’s domestic and
international politics
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Australia: Background and U.S. Relations
The Commonwealth of Australia and the United States are close allies under the ANZUS treaty. Australia evoked the treaty to offer assistance to the United States after the attacks of September 11, 2001, in which 22 Australians were among the dead. Australia was one of the first countries to commit troops to U.S. military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. The Howard Government’s strong commitment to the United States in Afghanistan and Iraq and the recently negotiated bilateral Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between Australia and the United States have strengthened what were already close ties between the two long-term allies
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Indonesian Elections
On April 5, 2004, Indonesia successfully completed the first step of a multi-phase
the election process for 2004. The first phase elected the national legislature and the new
regional representative council. The second phase held on July 5, 2004, sought to elect
a President. This led to a run-off election on September 20, 2004, between Susilo
Bambang Yudhoyono, the current president, and Megawati Sukarnoputri, the former
president of Indonesia. The 2004 elections were judged to be free and fair. This bodes
well for the evolution of democracy in Indonesia. Nationalist and secular parties were the
most popular with voters. The Islamist parties’ limited appeal can be attributed more
to their anti-corruption and good governance policies than to an overtly Islamist agenda.
This report will not be updated
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Indonesia: Domestic Politics, Strategic Dynamics, and U.S. Interests
This report explores the current political conditions of Indonesia, as well as its relationship with surrounding nations and its relationship with the United States, including a focus on U.S. policy regarding Indonesia. The report also focuses on how the election of President Barack Obama increased Indonesian expectations of an improved relationship with the U.S., as President Obama spent part of his childhood in Indonesia
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