Ex convictos: ¿Preparados para vivir en libertad?

El momento del retorno a la comunidad puede ser particularmente difícil para quienes cumplen una pena de cárcel. La privación de libertad ha tenido en la mayoría de los casos una serie de efectos en sus vidas, tales como el debilitamiento de los lazos sociales, el desarraigo de la familia y la comunidad, problemas severos de salud mental, experiencias de victimización en las prisiones (abusos físicos y sexuales) y en algunos casos la adquisición de ciertos patrones de interacción violentos comunes a la vida en un penal. A ello debe agregarse que los primeros días fuera de la cárcel presentan condiciones de riesgo tales como la vida en la calle, el consumo de drogas o conflictos interpersonales que pueden aumentar la probabilidad de reincidir. Si bien muchos de los que han cumplido una condena retornarán a la comunidad y lograrán insertarse en ella, las estadísticas sobre reincidencia sugieren que un número importante volverá a infringir la ley. En Chile, es escaso el conocimiento que se tiene sobre este tema. Un estudio recientemente desarrollado por la Fundación Paz Ciudadana concluyó que el 70,1% de la población penal juvenil privada de libertad reincidía en el delito dentro de los dos primeros años fuera de la cárcel. La medición constituye una de las pocas –sino la única– de este tipo publicada durante los tres últimos años. Para el caso de la población adulta la cifra de reincidentes se ha estimado en más de un 50%, no obstante hay discusión respecto de su validez estadística. En términos generales, los estudios de reincidencia a nivel mundial indican que la tendencia es que en más del 40% de los casos, se vuelve a perder la libertad. Es probable que esta información desencante a quienes ven en la cárcel una medida que contribuye a aumentar la seguridad pública. Lo cierto es que los infractores de ley, al menos en Chile, cumplen condenas cuya duración es limitada en el tiempo. En este escenario, la seguridad pública parece mejor resguardada a través de políticas de prevención o de integración social posteriores a la prisión. Países como el Reino Unido, Canadá y Estados Unidos han comenzado a desarrollar programas durante la etapa de transición de la cárcel a la comunidad. En términos simples la intervención consiste en un acompañamiento individual y personalizado que pretende facilitar el retorno de un sujeto a su familia, a su comunidad, al mundo del trabajo y aumentar sus habilidades para enfrentar situaciones de riesgo. El acompañamiento para la integración social se inicia generalmente los últimos tres meses y se extiende por otros seis después de la liberación. La evaluación de estas intervenciones por parte de instituciones como el Home Office Británico, ha demostrado que esta acción es eficiente en el control de la reincidencia y que puede reducirla en más de un 10%. Algunos podrán preguntarse por qué seguir apoyando a un sujeto que ha violentado a la sociedad o por qué el Estado y la comunidad debiesen aportar a la integración de un sujeto que ha delinquido. Hay muchas buenas razones para invertir en integración social. Las sociedades más integradas aumentan su cohesión y con ello reducen niveles de violencia. Los tratados internacionales suscritos por Chile hacen referencia a la responsabilidad del Estado durante la fase postpenitenciaria, pero lo que tal vez sea más convincente para la comunidad es que este acompañamiento favorece la seguridad pública, reduce los índices de criminalidad y también aporta a la dignidad de la vida del infractor y de su familia

Reducing Repeat Offending Through Less Prosecution in Victoria.

Research Question How did the use of diversion from prosecution and criminal sentencing change in Victoria, Australia in the ten years to 2016/17, with what estimated effects on repeat offending? Data We tracked 1,163,113 criminal cases brought against both juveniles and adults by police in the state of Victoria, Australia, including 181,836 diversions, during the ten-year time period from the fiscal year of 2007/8 through 2016/17. Methods Taking the percentage of all cases diverted in the first year (25.6%), we calculated for each of the study years how many more cases would have been diverted from prosecution across the subsequent nine years if the diversion rate had stayed the same (“missed opportunities”). We multiplied the estimated number of these “missed opportunities” by the reduced frequency of repeat offences that the prosecuted offenders were likely to have committed, after adjusting for the time at risk by the number of years left in the study period. Then, based on a systematic review of diversion experiments (Petrosino et al 2010), we applied the standardized effect size of diversion in those studies to Farrington’s (1992) annualized crime frequency per 100 offenders aged 25, multiplying that effect across all of the person-years after a case was prosecuted rather than diverted, using both population-based rates and rates based only on detected offenders at that age. Findings The diversion rate in Victoria dropped in half over ten years, from 25.6% to 12.5%. The total missed opportunities for diversion, compared to the counterfactual of applying diversion at a constant rate of 25% over that time period, totalled 115,885 cases over the ten years. Taking an average effect size (d = -0.232) across seven experiments with a mean followup time of 12-13 months, as derived from a systematic review of diversion experiment outcomes, our illustrative estimate is that at least 8 fewer crimes per year per 100 offenders could have been prevented among the missed opportunity cases. Using a population rate of offending, the estimate equals 1,474 crimes that could have been prevented. Using the offending population rate, we estimate that 37,050 offences could have been prevented. Conclusions While the exact amount of crime prevented remains speculative, the application of best evidence to the missed opportunity cases suggests that more diversion could have resulted in substantially less repeat offending, and hence less total crime

Reducing Repeat Offending Through Less Prosecution in Victoria, Australia: Opportunities for Increased Diversion of Offenders

Funder: University of CambridgeAbstract: Research Question: How did the use of diversion from prosecution and criminal sentencing change in Victoria, Australia, in the 10 years to 2016/2017, with what estimated effects on repeat offending? Data: We tracked 1,163,113 criminal cases brought against both juveniles and adults by police in the state of Victoria, Australia, including 181,836 diversions, during the 10-year time period from the fiscal year of 2007/2008 through 2016/2017. Methods: Taking the percentage of all cases diverted in the first year (25.6%), we calculated for each of the study years how many more cases would have been diverted from prosecution across the subsequent 9 years if the diversion rate had stayed the same (“missed opportunities”). We multiplied the estimated number of these “missed opportunities” by the reduced frequency of repeat offences that the prosecuted offenders were likely to have committed, after adjusting for the time at risk by the number of years left in the study period. Then, based on a systematic review of diversion experiments (Petrosino et al. 2010), we applied the standardised effect size of diversion in those studies to Farrington’s (1992) annualised crime frequency per 100 offenders aged 25, multiplying that effect across all of the person-years after a case was prosecuted rather than diverted, using both population-based rates and rates based only on detected offenders at that age. Findings: The diversion rate in Victoria dropped in half over 10 years, from 25.6% to 12.5%. The total missed opportunities for diversion, compared to the counterfactual of applying diversion at a constant rate of 25% over that time period, totalled 115,885 cases over the 10 years. Taking an average effect size (d = − 0.232) across seven experiments with a mean follow-up time of 12–13 months, as derived from a systematic review of diversion experiment outcomes, our illustrative estimate is that at least 8 crimes per year per 100 offenders could have been prevented among the missed opportunity cases. Using a population rate of offending, the estimate equals 1474 crimes that could have been prevented. Using the offending population rate, we estimate that 37,050 offences could have been prevented. Conclusions: While the exact amount of crime prevented remains speculative, the application of best evidence to the missed opportunity cases suggests that more diversion could have resulted in substantially less repeat offending, and hence less total crime

Associations between Student-Teacher Bonds and Oppositional Behavior Against Teachers in Adolescence: A Longitudinal Analysis from Ages 11 to 15

Prior research has found evidence for a positive effect of student-teacher bonds on children’s behavior. However, little research has investigated these relations following a transactional model of child development. This study investigated the bidirectional associations between student-teacher relationships and oppositional behaviors towards teachers using the ‘Zurich Project on the Social Development from Childhood to Adulthood’ (n = 1527; median ages 11, 13 and 15; 49% female). Results of a random-intercept cross-lagged panel model suggested that, among boys, positive student-teacher bonds at age 13 were associated with fewer teacher-reported oppositional behaviors two years later. The results indicated that negative interactions with teachers may be part of vicious cycles of poor relationships and increased levels of oppositional behavior, particularly for boys in late adolescence

School-based interventions for reducing disciplinary school exclusion: a systematic review.

UNLABELLED: This Campbell systematic review examines the impact of interventions to reduce exclusion from school. School exclusion, also known as suspension in some countries, is a disciplinary sanction imposed by a responsible school authority, in reaction to students' misbehaviour. Exclusion entails the removal of pupils from regular teaching for a period during which they are not allowed to be present in the classroom (in-school) or on school premises (out-of-school). In some extreme cases the student is not allowed to come back to the same school (expulsion). The review summarises findings from 37 reports covering nine different types of intervention. Most studies were from the USA, and the remainder from the UK. Included studies evaluated school-based interventions or school-supported interventions to reduce the rates of exclusion. Interventions were implemented in mainstream schools and targeted school-aged children from four to 18, irrespective of nationality or social background. Only randomised controlled trials are included. The evidence base covers 37 studies. Thirty-three studies were from the USA, three from the UK, and for one study the country was not clear. School-based interventions cause a small and significant drop in exclusion rates during the first six months after intervention (on average), but this effect is not sustained. Interventions seemed to be more effective at reducing some types of exclusion such as expulsion and in-school exclusion. Four intervention types - enhancement of academic skills, counselling, mentoring/monitoring, and skills training for teachers - had significant desirable effects on exclusion. However, the number of studies in each case is low, so this result needs to be treated with caution. There is no impact of the interventions on antisocial behaviour. Variations in effect sizes are not explained by participants' characteristics, the theoretical basis of the interventions, or the quality of the intervention. Independent evaluator teams reported lower effect sizes than research teams who were also involved in the design and/or delivery of the intervention. PLAIN LANGUAGE SUMMARY: Interventions can reduce school exclusion but the effect is temporary: Some interventions - enhancement of academic skills, counselling, mentoring/monitoring, and skills training for teachers - appear to have significant effects on exclusion.The review in brief: Interventions to reduce school exclusion are intended to mitigate the adverse effects of this school sanction. Some approaches, namely those involving enhancement of academic skills, counselling, mentoring/monitoring and those targeting skills training for teachers, have a temporary effect in reducing exclusion. More evaluations are needed to identify the most effective types of intervention; and whether similar effects are also found in different countries.What is this review about?: School exclusion is associated with undesirable effects on developmental outcomes. It increases the likelihood of poor academic performance, antisocial behavior, and poor employment prospects. This school sanction disproportionally affects males, ethnic minorities, those who come from disadvantaged economic backgrounds, and those with special educational needs.This review assesses the effectiveness of programmes to reduce the prevalence of exclusion.What are the main findings of this review?: What studies are included? Included studies evaluated school-based interventions or school-supported interventions to reduce the rates of exclusion. Interventions were implemented in mainstream schools and targeted school-aged children from four to 18, irrespective of nationality or social background. Only randomised controlled trials are included.The evidence base covers 37 studies. Thirty-three studies were from the USA, three from the UK, and for one study the country was not clear.School-based interventions cause a small and significant drop in exclusion rates during the first six months after intervention (on average), but this effect is not sustained. Interventions seemed to be more effective at reducing some types of exclusion such as expulsion and in-school exclusion.Four intervention types - enhancement of academic skills, counselling, mentoring/ monitoring, and skills training for teachers - had significant desirable effects on exclusion. However, the number of studies in each case is low, so this result needs to be treated with caution.There is no impact of the interventions on antisocial behaviour.Variations in effect sizes are not explained by participants' characteristics, the theoretical basis of the interventions, or the quality of the intervention. Independent evaluator teams reported lower effect sizes than research teams who were also involved in the design and/or delivery of the intervention.What do the findings of this review mean?: School-based interventions are effective at reducing school exclusion immediately after, and for a few months after, the intervention (6 months on average). Four interventions presented promising and significant results in reducing exclusion, that is, enhancement of academic skills, counselling, mentoring/monitoring, skills training for teachers. However, since the number of studies for each sub-type of intervention was low, we suggest these results should be treated with caution.Most of the studies come from the USA. Evaluations are needed from other countries in which exclusion is common. Further research should take advantage of the possibility of conducting cluster-randomised controlled trials, whilst ensuring that the sample size is sufficiently large.How up-to-date is this review?: The review authors searched for studies published up to December 2015. This Campbell systematic review was published in January 2018. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY/ABSTRACT: BACKGROUND: Schools are important institutions of formal social control (Maimon, Antonaccio, & French, 2012). They are, apart from families, the primary social system in which individuals are socialised to follow specific codes of conduct. Violating these codes of conduct may result in some form of punishment. School punishment is normally accepted by families and students as a consequence of transgression, and in that sense school isoften the place where children are first introduced to discipline, justice, or injustice (Whitford & Levine-Donnerstein, 2014).A wide range of punishments may be used in schools, from verbal reprimands to more serious actions such as detention, fixed term exclusion or even permanent exclusion from the mainstream education system. It must be said that in some way, these school sanctions resemble the penal system and its array of alternatives to punish those that break the law.School exclusion, also known as suspension in some countries, is defined as a disciplinary sanction imposed by a responsible school authority, in reaction to students' misbehaviour. Exclusion entails the removal of pupils from regular teaching for a period during which they are not allowed to be present in the classroom or, in more serious cases, on school premises.Based on the previous definition, this review uses school exclusion and school suspension as synonyms, unless the contrary is explicitly stated. Most of the available research has found that exclusion correlates with subsequent negative sequels on developmental outcomes. Exclusion or suspension of students is associated with failure within the academic curriculum, aggravated antisocial behaviour, and an increased likelihood of involvement with punitive social control institutions (i.e., the Juvenile Justice System). In the long-term, opportunities for training and employment seem to be considerably reduced for those who have repeatedly been excluded. In addition to these negative correlated outcomes, previous evidence suggest that the exclusion of students involves a high economic cost for taxpayers and society.Research from the last 20 years has concluded quite consistently that this disciplinary measure disproportionally targets males, ethnic minorities, those who come from disadvantaged economic backgrounds, and those presenting special educational needs. In other words, suspension affects the most vulnerable children in schools.Different programmes have attempted to reduce the prevalence of exclusion. Although some of them have shown promising results, so far, no comprehensive systematic review has examined these programmes' overall effectiveness.OBJECTIVES: The main goal of the present research is to systematically examine the available evidence for the effectiveness of different types of school-based interventions aimed at reducing disciplinary school exclusion. Secondary goals include comparing different approaches and identifying those that could potentially demonstrate larger and more significant effects.The research questions underlying this project are as follows: Do school-based programmes reduce the use of exclusionary sanctions in schools?Are some school-based approaches more effective than others in reducing exclusionary sanctions?Do participants' characteristics (e.g., age, gender, ethnicity) affect the impact of school-based programmes on exclusionary sanctions in schools?Do characteristics of the interventions, implementation, and methodology affect the impact of school-based programmes on exclusionary sanctions in schools? SEARCH METHODS: The authors conducted a comprehensive search to locate relevant studies reporting on the impact of school-based interventions on exclusion from 1980 onwards. Twenty-seven different databases were consulted, including databases that contained both published and unpublished literature. In addition, we contacted researchers in the field of school-exclusion for further recommendations of relevant studies; we also assessed citation lists from previous systematic and narrative reviews and research reports. Searches were conducted from September 1 to December 1, 2015.SELECTION CRITERIA: The inclusion and exclusion criteria for manuscripts were defined before we started our searches. To be eligible, studies needed to have: evaluated school-based interventions or school-supported interventions intended to reduce the rates of suspension; seen the interventions as an alternative to exclusion; targeted school-aged children from four to 18 in mainstream schools irrespective of nationality or social background; and reported results of interventions delivered from 1980 onwards. In terms of methodological design, we included randomised controlled trialsonly, with at least one experimental group and onecontrol or placebo group.DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS: Initial searches produced a total of 42,749 references from 27 different electronic databases. After screening the title, abstract and key words, we kept 1,474 relevant hits. 22 additional manuscripts were identified through other sources (e.g., assessment of citation lists, contribution of authors). After removing duplicates, we ended up with a total of 517 manuscripts. Two independent coders evaluated each report, to determine inclusion or exclusion.The second round of evaluation excluded 472 papers, with eight papers awaiting classification, and 37 studies kept for inclusion in meta-analysis. Two independent evaluators assessed all the included manuscripts for risk of quality bias by using EPOC tool.Due to the broad scope of our targeted programmes, meta-analysis was conducted under a random-effect model. We report the impact of the intervention using standardised differences of means, 95% confidence intervals along with the respective forest plots. Sub-group analysis and meta-regression were used for examining the impact of the programme. Funnel plots and Duval and Tweedie's trim-and-fill analysis were used to explore the effect of publication bias.RESULTS: Based on our findings, interventions settled in school can produce a small and significant drop in exclusion rates (SMD=.30; 95% CI .20 to .41; p<.001). This means that those participating in interventions are less likely to be suspended than those allocated to control/placebo groups. These results are based on measures of impact collected immediately during the first six months after treatment (on average). When the impact was tested in the long-term (i.e., 12 or more months after treatment), the effects of the interventions were not sustained. In fact, there was a substantive reduction in the impact of school-based programmes (SMD=.15; 95%CI -.06 to .35), and it was no longer statistically significant.We ran analysis testing the impact of school-based interventions on different types of exclusion. Evidence suggests that interventions are more effective at reducing expulsion and in-school exclusion than out-of-school exclusion. In fact, the impact of intervention in out-of-school exclusion was close to zero and not statistically significant.Nine different types of school-based interventions were identified across the 37 studies included in the review. Four of them presented favourable and significant results in reducing exclusion (i.e., enhancement of academic skills, counselling, mentoring/monitoring, skills training for teachers). Since the number of studies for each sub-type of intervention was low, we suggest that results should be treated with caution.A priori defined moderators (i.e., participants' characteristics, the theoretical basis of the interventions, and quality of the intervention)showed not to be effective at explaining the heterogeneity present in our results. Among three post-hoc moderators, the role of the evaluator was found to be significant: independent evaluator teams reported lower effect sizes than research teams who were also involved in the design and/or delivery of the intervention.Two researchers independently evaluated the quality of the evidence involved in this review by using the EPOC tool. Most of the studies did not present enough information for the judgement of quality bias.AUTHORS' CONCLUSIONS: The evidence suggests that school-based interventions are effective at reducing school exclusion immediately after, and for a few months after, the intervention. Some specific types of interventions show more promising and stable results than others, namely those involving mentoring/monitoring and those targeting skills training for teachers. However, based on the number of studies involved in our calculations, we suggest that results must be cautiously interpreted. Implications for policy and practice arising from our results are discussed

Sex Trade among Youth: A Global Review of the Prevalence, Contexts and Correlates of Transactional Sex among the General Population of Youth

Transactional sex, the casual exchange of sexual favors for money or gifts, has been associated with negative outcomes and health risks, particularly among youth. This global review of the evidence explores trends of buying and selling of sex among the general population of male and female youth across 28 countries. It compares the differences and similarities in prevalence rates between genders (male versus female), sex trading activities (selling versus buying), and country income groups (high-income versus low and middle-income countries) and examines the relationships and situations surrounding transactional sex, and its correlates. The screening of reports resulted in the inclusion of 37 manuscripts (N=120,447 participants), involving peer review and grey literature describing longitudinal and cross-sectional research across 7 high-income and 21 low- and middle-income countries. The review of prevalence rates suggests relatively low rates of transactional sex in high-income countries (with selling and buying rates below 10% in all countries) and relatively high, although varying rates, in low- and middle-income countries (with selling and buying rates of 60% or higher in 7 countries). Gender disaggregated data suggests that boys are more likely than girls to sell sex in high-income countries while the opposite seems to be true in low- and middle-income countries. The findings suggest that initial contact between sellers and buyers is most often established through friends, acquaintances, and dating websites. The age of onset is around 15 years, many sellers and buyers already know each other before trading sex, and they are often of a similar age. Money is the most commonly used form of compensation. Correlates of selling sex include involvement in other risky sexual behaviors, substance use, infection with sexually transmitted diseases, mental health problems, family break-up, and a history of victimization. No or mixed relations have been found with socioeconomic and educational status. The correlates of buying sex include promiscuity, substance use, violence perpetration and, to some extent, higher socioeconomic status. Recommendations for future research are discussed.non

An umbrella review of the literature on perinatal domestic violence:Prevalence, risk factors, possible outcomes, and interventions

Perinatal domestic violence (P-DV) is a common form of violence experienced by women and is associated with adverse impacts on their own physical and mental health and that of their offspring. Illuminating the risk factors for, potential effects of, and promising interventions to reduce P-DV is essential for informing policies to tackle P-DV and mitigate its negative impacts. This umbrella review of recent high-quality systematic reviews and meta-analyses of worldwide research on P-DV provides a systematic synthesis of current knowledge relating to the prevalence, risk factors for, possible outcomes of and interventions to reduce and prevent P-DV. 13 reviews identified through systematic searches of computerised databases, manual search and expert consultation met our inclusion criteria (i.e. English systematic reviews and/or meta-analyses that were from recent 10 years, focused on women exposed to P-DV, assessed risk factors, possible outcomes and/or interventions, and were of fair to high methodological quality). Our results suggest that while there is a growing understanding of risk factors and possible outcomes of P-DV, this knowledge has thus far not been translated well into effective interventions. P-DV intervention programmes that have been subject to rigorous evaluation are mostly relatively narrow in scope and could benefit from targeting a wider range of maternal and child wellbeing outcomes, and perpetrator, relationship and community risk factors. The overall quality of the evidence syntheses in this field is reasonable; however, future studies should involve multiple reviewers at all key stages of systematic reviews and meta-analyses to help enhance reliability

Depression and its associated factors among pregnant women in central Vietnam.

To date, little attention has been given to prenatal depression, especially in low and middle-income countries. The aim of this research was to assess the prevalence of depression and its associated factors amongst pregnant women in a central Vietnamese city. This cross-sectional study included 150 pregnant women from 29 to 40 weeks of gestation, from eight wards of Hue city, via quota sampling from February to May 2019. We employed the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-9) to assess depression. Findings suggest the need to provide routine screening of pregnant women in primary care for depressive symptoms and other mental health problems.This is part of the EBLS proejct of which Prof Eisner is PI. Botnar Fondation is the sponso

Intergenerational effects of violence on women's perinatal wellbeing and infant health outcomes: evidence from a birth cohort study in Central Vietnam.

BACKGROUND: Girls exposed to violence have a high risk of being victimized as adults and are more likely than non-abused women to have children who are treated violently. This intergenerational transmission may be especially serious when women suffer violence during pregnancy and early motherhood, as it impairs maternal wellbeing and infant health and development. This study examined the intergenerational effects of being exposed to childhood maltreatment (CM) and prenatal intimate partner violence (p-IPV) on perinatal mental distress and birth outcomes in central Vietnam. METHODS: A birth cohort study in Hue City, Vietnam was conducted with 150 women in the third trimester of pregnancy (Wave 1) and 3 months after childbirth (Wave 2). Using multivariable logistic regression models, augmented inverse-probability-weighted estimators and structural equation modelling (SEM), we analyzed a theoretical model by evaluating adjusted risk differences and pathways between CM, p-IPV and subsequent perinatal adversity and indicators of infant health problems. RESULTS: One in two pregnant women experienced at least one form of CM (55.03%) and one in ten pregnant women experienced both CM and p-IPV (10.67%). Mothers who experienced p-IPV or witnessed IPV as a child were approximately twice as likely to experience poor mental health during pregnancy [ARR 1.94, 95% CI (1.20-3.15)]. Infants had a two-fold higher risk of adverse birth outcomes (low birth weight, preterm birth, admission to neonatal intensive care) [ARR 2.45 95% CI (1.42, 4.25)] if their mothers experienced any form of p-IPV, with greater risk if their mothers were exposed to both CM and p-IPV [ARR 3.45 95% CI (1.40, 8.53)]. Notably, significant pathways to p-IPV were found via adverse childhood experience (ACE) events (β = 0.13), neighborhood disorder (β = 0.14) and partner support (β = - 1.3). CONCLUSION: These results emphasize the detrimental and prolonged nature of the effect of violence during childhood and pregnancy. Exposure to childhood maltreatment and violence during pregnancy increases the risk of maternal mental health difficulties and adverse birth outcomes. Antenatal care systems need to be responsive to women's previous experiences of violence and maternal mental health. The significant protective role of partner support and social support should also be considered when designing tailored interventions to address violence during pregnancy