Skupiska przestępstw mieszkaniowych w Szczecinie

The paper encloses the preliminary results of geographical analysis of crime in Szczecin. Using the GIS tools the spatial (according to 37 urban districts) and temporal (according to months and days) Hot Spots of residential crime in the year 2006, as well as 50% crime concentration area, were identified and presented on the maps and figures. Conclusively, based on the ideas of Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design, the recommendations for urban spatial and safety policy are formulated, aiming the crime prevention and reducing the crime fear.W niniejszym artykule dokonano wstępnej analizy skupisk przestępczości mieszkaniowej w Szczecinie w 2006 r., wyznaczając przestrzenne (wg osiedli) oraz czasowe (miesięczne i dobowe) hot spots (skupiska) przestępstw mieszkaniowych. Artykuł zawiera również rekomendacje CPTED (Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design) dotyczące zmniejszenia poziomu przestępczości oraz lęku przed zagrożeniem przestępczością

Rozmieszczenie przestępstw w miastach na prawach powiatu w Polsce

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza rozmieszczenia przestępstw stwierdzonych przez policję w 2015 r. w zakończonych postępowaniach przygotowawczych w miastach na prawach powiatu w Polsce. Oprócz analizy rozmieszczenia poszczególnych rodzajów przestępstw poszukiwano także zależności pomiędzy rozmiarami i koncentracją przestępstw w miastach a ich wielkością i znaczeniem w sieci osadniczej kraju. Dane o liczbie popełnionych przestępstw zgromadzono i analizowano według następujących sześciu kategorii: przestępstwa ogółem, przestępstwa kryminalne, przestępstwa gospodarcze, przestępstwa drogowe, przestępstwa przeciwko życiu i zdrowiu, przestępstwa przeciwko mieniu. Analizie poddano 49 jednostek przestrzennych stanowiących trzon układu osadniczego Polski. Jako miarę koncentracji przestępstw w miastach i grupach miast wykorzystano wskaźnik lokalizacji względem liczby ludności. Rozmieszczenie podstawowych kategorii przestępstw w miastach na prawach powiatu jest silnie zróżnicowane. Obie metropolie zagrożone są głównie przestępczością gospodarczą. Aspirujące metropolie, szybko i burzliwie rozwijające się wielkie miasta, są zagrożone zwłaszcza przestępstwami kryminalnymi i przeciwko mieniu. Duże ośrodki regionalne zagrożone są przede wszystkim przestępstwami przeciwko życiu i zdrowiu, natomiast w najmniejszym stopniu przestępstwami gospodarczymi. Średnie ośrodki regionalne reprezentują przeciętny poziom koncentracji, liczba przestępstw wszystkich kategorii odpowiada liczbie ludności. Najmniej zagrożone przestępczością są małe ośrodki regionalne

Koncepcja kształcenia dla potrzeb gospodarki przestrzennej na obszarach morskich i nadmorskich

Problemy gospodarki przestrzennej na obszarach morskich i nadmorskich są specyficzne i bardzo złożone. W Polsce kształcenie specjalistów z zakresu problematyki morskiej jest prowadzone na dwóch ogólnych kierunkach studiów (oceanografia, oceanotechnika) oraz kilku specjalistycznych (technicznych, ekonomicznych lub wojskowych). Natomiast brakuje kierunku studiów, który wypełniałby lukę między kształceniem przyrodniczym (oceanografia) a ogólnotechnicznym (oceanotechnika). Stąd powstał pomysł opracowania specjalności „morskiej” na magisterskich studiach uzupełniających z zakresu gospodarki przestrzennej. Zaproponowana specjalność obejmuje 480 godzin przedmiotów specjalizacyjnych (z tego na wykłady obowiązkowe i fakultatywne przypada 270 godzin, a na ćwiczenia i ćwiczenia terenowe 210 godzin), co daje 43% całości godzin, oraz 150 godzin przewidzianych na seminarium i pracownię magisterską. Łącznie daje to 630 godzin (czyli 57% całości) przeznaczonych na realizację specjalności

Impact of tourism on crime in the Polish coastal zone

PURPOSE: Different types of crime occurring in or near tourist areas is an important issue. Lack of knowledge of dangerous places and reduced vigilance due to the holiday mood make tourists more vulnerable to criminal activities. This thesis, popular in literature, was subjected to empirical verification in this article on the example of Poland, which has a coastline of 770 km along the southern Baltic Sea.APPROACH/METHODOLOGY/DESIGN: The study was based on quantitative data on crime and tourism traffic available for the coastal zone of Poland at the level of 15 counties and city counties, and the extensive analysis of the literature. The tourist traffic data were collected for the number of tourists served in accommodation establishments in total and in hotels. For these two types of accommodation establishments, the four data categories were used. They were all analyzed in absolute terms and per 100 sq km. Finally, 16 indicators of tourist traffic were used in the analysis. Data on the number of committed crimes registered by Police were obtained according to the seven types of crimes. They were all analyzed in absolute terms and per 100 sq km. Two methods of quantitative spatial analysis of all abovementioned indicators were used, the location quotient – LQ, the Pearson’s correlation coefficient – R, in conjunction with the adjusted coefficient of determination ARSQ.FINDINGS: The concentration of tourist traffic is undoubtedly one of the reasons for the concentration of crime in the coastal zone of Poland. The analysis of density indicators confirmed that the high spatial concentration of tourism promotes a high spatial concentration of crime. Correlation analysis confirmed that both tourists in total and foreign tourists, especially those accommodated in hotels, are particularly vulnerable to criminal crimes. A strong correlation between crimes against property and against life and health has been unequivocally confirmed.PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS: The results of the research showed that to reduce crime in coastal tourist areas, the scope of monitoring and supervision should be extended around hotels and facilities visited by wealthy and foreign tourists. Programs for making these tourists aware of the threats of crimes against property and against life and health should be implemented.ORIGINALITY/VALUE: The presented research results are the first such attempt in the specific conditions of a country undergoing political transformation. A significant number of types of crime and forms of tourism were analyzed.peer-reviewe

Gendered perceptions and socio-economic and spatial determinants of fear of crime: an empirical analysis in Szczecin, Poland

The study of the fear of crime phenomenon provides a socially and politically important research question. Many studies show that gender differentiates the fear of crime, which is why we examine this phenomenon in a spatial perspective. The female versus male perspective of feelings of safety in residential areas were significantly different. The research was carried out using the CAWI technique in the city of Szczecin, in Poland (n=346). The research also examined which factors influenced the fear of crime the most: darkness, socio-economic characteristics, type of violations, number of registered crimes, or the assessment of police work. The research shows that women aged 19–25 are the group that reports the highest fear of crime. They are generally better educated, work or study, but often come from peripheral rural areas, and their current place of residence is little known. Activities aimed at building a sense of security in local communities should therefore be addressed to a wide demographic spectrum of recipients, but with emphasis on young females. A very interesting result from the research is the relationship between fear of crime and the opinion of residents about the effectiveness of police work, where the study reports that the better the assessment of police work, the lower the fear of crime

Temporal patterns of urban crime

Urban crime is differentiated among space and time. Recognition of temporal patterns of urban crime will help us for better understanding crime phenomenon in the city. The routine activity theory is the most widespread methodological framework of its empirical research. Tempo, rhythm, and timing of the routine activities are crucial for understanding temporal crime patterns. It is proved that the particular seven types of crime (Fights and battery, Robbery, Drug crimes, Residential crimes, Commercial crimes, Car crimes, Theft of property) have different temporal pattern in: long-run, seasonal, monthly, weekly, and daily patterns of urban crimes, taking the city of Gdynia in the years 2004-2014 as an example

Land Use Influencing the Spatial Distribution of Urban Crime: A Case Study of Szczecin, Poland

This paper falls into a common field of scientific research and its practical applications at the interface of urban geography, environmental criminology, and Geographic Information Systems (GIS). The purpose of this study is to identify types of different land use which influence the spatial distribution of a set of crime types at the intra-urban scale. The originality of the adopted approach lies in its consideration of a large number of different land use types considered as hypothetically influencing the spatial distribution of nine types of common crimes, geocoded at the address-level: car crimes, theft of property—other, residential crimes, property damage, commercial crimes, drug crimes, burglary in other commercial buildings, robbery, and fights and battery. The empirical study covers 31,319 crime events registered by the Police in the years 2006–2010 in the Polish city of Szczecin with a population ca. 405,000. Main research methods used are the GIS tool “multiple ring buffer” and the “crime location quotient (LQC)”. The main conclusion from this research is that a strong influence of land use types analyzed is limited to their immediate surroundings (i.e., within a distance of 50 m), with the highest concentration shown by commercial crimes and by the theft of property—other crime type. Land use types strongly attracting crime in this zone are alcohol outlets, clubs and discos, cultural facilities, municipal housing, and commercial buildings. In contrast, grandstands, cemeteries, green areas, allotment gardens, and depots and transport base are land use types strongly detracting crime in this zone

Analysis of the State and Change in Crime Distribution in Szczecin Using GIS Geostatic Methods

The aim of the article is to analyse the state and change in distribution of three types ofcrime (fights and beatings, domestic crimes, and automobile crime) in Szczecin duringthe years 2006-2010. It posits the following research questions: 1. Which type of crimes displayed a greater susceptibility to a spatial concentration? 2. Are there spaces with a higher intensity (density) of crimes and others free ofcrimes, and where are they? 3. Do spaces with a higher intensity (density) of crimes display spatial stability? The analysis makes use of geo-coded data points for crimes made available by Szczecin City Police Headquarters (crime, street, building number). It made useof geostatic methods with GIS programming, such as: Kernel density estimation;cartogram density maps (determining spaces with low and high crime densities); rangemethods (determining spaces with a lasting presence of the types of crimes found inhigh density spaces); chorochromatic methods (a map presenting only spaces witha persistent presence of the analysed types of crimes). Next, as a measure of the spatial concentration of crime, acknowledging changes in their reach and independent of theirnumber, the analysis found indicators of the concentrations for types of crime, whichenabled the author to provide answers to research questions and formulate conclusions. Maps showing low and high concentrations of fights and beatings revealedsignificant distribution and a certain spatial instability in built-up areas in Szczecin. They occured in the years 2006-2009 in around 20 spaces of varied size: one sprawlingaround the city centre, two or three medium-sized, and dozen or so small points. In theyears 2009-2010, spaces displaying fights and beatings had spread out onto the blockestates lying in the western part of the city, while they had practically vanished from thePrawobrzeże area and the north. In 2010, there were only around 15 spaces displayingthis crime in Szczecin.Maps showing low and high densities of domestic crime display focus and spatialstability in built-up areas in Szczecin. They appear in the years 2006-2009 in onlythree to six (not counting two or three that are completely insignificant) spaces ofvarious size. The largest appears in the city centre as well as neighbouring densely-builtresidential areas. They are all densely-built spaces next to streets from the end of the 19th century, or block estates mainly from the 1970s and 1980s. The second space displayingdomestic crimes encompasses the Majowe and Słoneczne block estates in Prawobrzeże, although its range is gradually decreasing. There is a striking lack of domestic crimesin significant numbers amongst the social problems in the post-industrial Skolwin and Stołczyn settlements. Located just south is Warszewo, where there is a quickly-growingexpansion of new residential developments, and it too is free from domestic crime. Maps showing low and high concentrations of vehicular crime display significantfocus and spatial stability in built-up areas in Szczecin. They appear in 2006 in seven, in 2007-2009 in three, and in 2010 in two (not counting one or two completely insignificant) spaces of various size. The largest, similarly to the case of domesticviolence spots, occur in the city centre and its neighbouring built-up areas. Theyare also all densely-built spaces next to streets from the end of the 19th century, orblock estates mainly from the 1970s and 1980s. The second space showing a lastingpresence of vehicular crime is the location of the Majowe and Słoneczne blocks in Prawobrzeże. Much like in the case of domestic crime, they do not appear amongst thesocial problems counted in the post-industrial estates of Skolwin and Stołczyn. Insteadthey appear slightly south of them in the quickly-growing new residential expansionin Warszewo. In 2006, the most strongly concentrated were fights and beatings, thenslightly less were vehicular crimes, and significantly less was domestic crime. In 2010,the most concentrated were fights and beatings, then domestic crime, and then leastwas vehicular crime. Areas of high density in all the studies of crime are concentrated in Szeczin’s citycentre and neighbouring residential areas and they take up approximately in squarekilometres the respective: one of fights and beatings, through two and a half of domesticcrimes, to around three and half in vehicular crime. The areas all overlap, and oneshared area where all appear spans around one square kilometre. This region also indicates a significant lasting presence. Other types of crime are equally concentrated. The remaining areas of Szczecin are free of a significant intensity of this type of crime. A cause of this state of affairs is most likely the focus and overlapping ofdeterminants of crime, both spatial (communal dwellings, alcohol vendors, commercialbuildings) and social (unemployment, poverty, lifelong helplessness, alcoholism, family dysfunction, lack of social controls, acceptance of criminal behaviour). An additional factor favourable to crime in the centre of every large city is the large flow of peopleand their anonymity. Szczecin’s city centre, however, indicates a significant persistencein the incidence of criminogenic factors. The quarters of Szczecin’s city centre developments located within the “criminalsquare kilometre” between Pope John Paul II Alley, Tkacka Street, Port Gate Square,Kaszubska Street, Mariana Langiewicz Street, Kazimierz Pułaski Street, Bolesław ŚmiałyStreet, July 5th Street, Grey Ranks Square and Wielkopolska Street demand particularoversight by police. Taking the long view, they ought to be revitalised in a mannermore complex than before, resulting in building local community ties, improving thematerial situation of the inhabitants as well as that of the buildings’ technical state,spatial order and visual attractiveness

Hot spots of residential crime in Szczecin

W niniejszym artykule dokonano wstępnej analizy skupisk przestępczości mieszkaniowej w Szczecinie w 2006 r., wyznaczając przestrzenne (wg osiedli) oraz czasowe (miesięczne i dobowe) hot spots (skupiska) przestępstw mieszkaniowych. Artykuł zawiera również rekomendacje CPTED (Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design) dotyczące zmniejszenia poziomu przestępczości oraz lęku przed zagrożeniem przestępczością.The paper encloses the preliminary results of geographical analysis of crime in Szczecin. Using the GIS tools the spatial (according to 37 urban districts) and temporal (according to months and days) Hot Spots of residential crime in the year 2006, as well as 50% crime concentration area, were identified and presented on the maps and figures. Conclusively, based on the ideas of Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design, the recommendations for urban spatial and safety policy are formulated, aiming the crime prevention and reducing the crime fear