Metatony, S-constituent linkage, and cognate objects

We examine metatony and its grammatical conditioning in an under described Edoid language of West Africa. In Emai, metatony on verbs is signaled by perfective suffix -í with underlying high tone. With a following adjunct, tone on this suffix is high and retained. When clause final, -í is retained but with low tone. When followed by a verb argument, the -í suffix is prohibited. Verbs with a following S-constituent exhibit metatonic asymmetry. Class one verbs prohibit suffix -í, treating S-constituents as verb arguments. Class two verbs require high tone -í, as if their S-constituent were an adjunct. When these same class two verbs occur with an immediately following cognate object nominal, they prohibit suffix -í. We interpret this asymmetric behavior of class two verbs in terms of boundary permeability (Berg 2014). We posit that class two forms are transitive and that their S-constituent derives historically from a complex Noun S-constituent structure that has become truncated and assumed a simple S-constituent form, having lost its erstwhile “cognate object noun.” It is thus the strict boundary for transitivity imposed by perfective suffix -í that signals a weakened status of S-constituents with class two verbs

Preverbs: Their syntax and semantics in West Africa

Preverbs are positionally-delimited grammatical forms that remain understudied. We examine their semantic classes in West Benue Congo (WBC) and its minor language Emai, which until recently was undocumented. Preverb classes in Emai display a subset of semantic categories identified in Dixon (1991, 2006, 2010) and Nuyts (2001, 2005, 2006, 2016). There are eight semantic classes for 30 odd preverb forms. They are apportioned according to their qualitative or quantitative character. Preverbs do not include traditional auxiliary categories of aspect, tense, and modality, which exhibit distinct diachronic and synchronic character. Common to preverbs is their orientation to grammatical subject, rather than utterance speaker. Members of each class ascribe a property to clausal subject. Preliminary evidence suggests that preverbs of similar semantic character exist in other West African languages

Toponyms: Neglected wallflower or pot of plenty

Threats of imminent extinction motivate language documentation; they also allow place name neglect. This paper examines settlement names within Africa's Edoid group. Village nomenclature converges on a restricted range of conventions; however, interethnic contact has led to non-Edoid toponyms for three villages. Two derive from the trade language Hausa. A third links to Igbo blacksmiths supporting rainforest penetration with iron tools, as is evident in cognate vocabulary. Iron use most naturally follows a pastoral era outside the rainforest, which number prefixes on herd-animal nouns support. Toponymic studies thus remind us of the benefit accrued when documentation looks beyond 'the single ancestral code'

Forceful Contact in a Result Prominent Language

Levin and Rappaport Hovav (1995) remind us that manner and result verbs often exhibit complementary distribution within a given language. They also note that when a main verb lexically specifies manner or result, the complementary component can be expressed outside the verb, in a satellite constituent of some sort. In Rappaport Hovav and Levin (2010), manner/result complementarity constrains verb root lexicalization. Building on this, Erteschik-Shir and Rapoport (2010) examine English verbs of contact, e.g. smear, splash, whose complements specify a result relation between moveable object and stationary locatum. Classically, these verbs show a locative alternation with holistic ~ partitive interpretations (Levin 1993). For this paper I examine forceful contact expressions in Emai (West Benue Congo, Edoid in Williamson and Blench 2000). Relatively strict SVO, Emai manifests little inflectional morphology and few prepositions. Its motion predications express manner and result as one verb in series with another or as verb plus postverbal particle. Lacking verbs in series or postverbal particles, forceful contact in Emai reflects simple and complex predications

Observations on Reference Object Geometry in Emai Path Expressions

Proceedings of the Twelfth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (1986), pp. 485-49