On the syntactic derivation of negative sentence adverbials

We consider recent Government-Binding work on sentential negation, e.g. by Pollock, and evaluate a fundamental assumption made about the syntax of negative clauses. While accepting that ne is generated as the head of NegP, we reject the dual claim that pas is characteristically: (a) a maximal projection, and (b) base-generated as the specifier of ne. We offer a three-sided argument against such an analysis, invoking: (a) the incompatibility of the proposal with the status of pas as a nominal; (b) the interaction between pas, etc, and indefinite direct objects; and (c) the syntax of 'adverbials'. We go on to consider Obenauer's work on 'quantification at a distance' and Battye's work on 'nominal quantification'. On the basis of this work, we posit that pas is generated lower in clause structure, either VP-adjoined or as the head of a determiner-less direct object DP

On the D-structure position of negative sentence adverbials in French

The author evaluates aspects of recent work by Pollock (1989), Belletti (1990) and Zanuttini (1991), in particular one fundamental assumption made there about the syntax of negative clauses in French. While accepting Pollock's claim that the clitic ne is generated as the X0 head of its own phrasal projection, the author rejects the claim (first made by Pollock (1989: 418) and subsequently endorsed by Belletti (1990: 30) and Zanuttini (1991: 35)) that pas is an Xmax phrasal category base-generated as the specifier of ne, i.e., in the specifier position within NegP. The author offers a three-sided argument against such an analysis, invoking: (a) a significant generalisation regarding the specifier position within functional projections; (b) the relationship between elements like pas and indefinite direct objects in clauses containing a transitive verb; and (c) the syntax of adverbials in general. The author goes on to consider Obenauer's (1983; 1984) work on `quantification at a distance' and Battye's (1989; 1991) work on `nominal quantification'. He argues for a unified account of negative sentence adverbials in French and posits accordingly that pas is generated in a lower position in clause structure, either adjoined to VP or as the head N of a determiner-less direct object indefinite DP

Syntactic variation and diglossia in French

The present article addresses syntactic variation within French, and is an example of a relatively recent shift in attitude towards variation in this language. It considers the status of the variation with respect to the mental grammars of speakers, in particular in the light of Massot’s work suggesting that contemporary metropolitan France is characterised by diglossia, that is, a community of speakers with two (in this case massively overlapping but not entirely identical) ‘French’ grammars which co-exist in their minds, one stylistically marked High, the other Low. The article reviews one particular instance of variation and argues that Massot’s model needs to be revised in order to account for the particular phenomenon of surface forms which can be generated by both putative grammars but which have a different linguistic status in each

Pas de deux: further thoughts on the syntax of sentential negation in French

This article supports earlier work by arguing that French negative pas functions as the specifier of NegP at S-structure (at the earliest) rather than at D-structure, as proposed in Pollock's (1989) original formulation of the NegP hypothesis. After reviewing the NegP hypothesis, the author offers additional syntactic evidence to support the refinement proposed in Rowlett (1993a). He goes on to investigate parallels between the revised model and work by Williams (1991) and Fillmore (1963). Finally, he explores theoretical avenues opened up by the refined hypothesis, considering, for example, whether the distinction drawn between constituent and sentential negation is as significant as has traditionally been assumed