Long-Term Unemployment Over Men\u27s Careers

[Excerpt] Since the start of the recent recession, which began in December 2007, many unemployed Americans have entered the ranks of the long-term unemployed (those who are unemployed for 27 weeks or more). Long-term unemployment peaked at 46 percent of total unemployment in May 2010, well after the recent recession ended in June 2009. In contrast, after an earlier recession, which lasted from July 1981 to November 1982, the long-term unemployed number peaked at 26 percent of total unemployment in 1983. These point-in-time estimates, however, do not indicate the proportion of people who have a long-term unemployment spell over their labor market career, how long it takes to find a job after their first long-term unemployment spell, or how the spell affects wages over time. This BEYOND THE NUMBERS article begins to answer these questions. Using the employment history of men in the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 (NLSY79), the article examines entry into and out of longterm spells of unemployment and looks at the effect of long-term unemployment on average wages. The men in the NLSY79 were born in the years 1957 to 1964. The analysis covers the mid-1980s through 2009, focusing on men’s employment histories from their mid-20s, after they have become integrated into the labor market, until their middle to late 40s and early 50s

Can’t Get Here from There: The Decision to Apply to a Selective Institution

Students from low-income families are greatly underrepresented at selective colleges and universities in the United States. In an attempt to increase applications from low-income students, some institutions have developed programs involving increased recruitment of and more attractive financial aid packages for students from low-income families. However, relatively little research has looked at the factors that are important in the college application decision-making process, and in particular how the importance of some factors may be different for low-income students. This paper uses data from the National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988 and the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, 1997 cohort to analyze the factors influencing students\u27 college application decisions, with a focus on the decision to apply to a selective four-year institution. We analyze how the influence of distance from a student’s home during high school to a selective college or university and average tuition levels at selective institutions located nearby vary with the a student’s family income. Our results show that the further a student lives from a selective college, the less likely they are to apply to one, and this effect seems to be stronger than that of average tuition levels in the student’s state. Although the effect of distance does not differ for low-income students, they are most heavily impacted due to the geographic mismatch of low-income students and selective institutions. Personal, family (in particular, parent’s education) and high school characteristics also prove to be very influential when students are deciding whether or not to apply to a selective institution

Do Historically Black Institutions of Higher Education Confer Unique Advantages on Black Students? An Initial Analysis

[Excerpt] Despite the declining relative importance of HBIs in the production of black bachelor\u27s degrees, in recent years they have become the subject of intense public policy debate for two reasons. First, court cases have been filed in a number of southern states that assert that black students continue to be underrepresented at traditionally white public institutions, that discriminatory admissions criteria are used by these institutions to exclude black students (e.g., basing admissions only on test scores and not also on grades), and that per student funding levels, program availability, and library facilities are substantially poorer at public HBIs than at other public institutions in these states (Johnson 1991). In one 1992 case, United States v. Fordice, the Supreme Court ruled that Mississippi had not done enough to eliminate racial segregation in its state-run higher educational institutions (Chira 1992). Rather than mandating a remedy, however, the Court sent the case back to the lower courts for action. What should the appropriate action be? Should it be to integrate more fully both the historically white and the historically black institutions by breaking down discriminatory admissions practices at the former and establishing some unique programs at the latter? Should the HBIs be eliminated and their campuses either folded into the historically white institutions or abandoned? Or should effort be directed at equalizing per student expenditure levels and facilities between campuses, rather than at worrying about the racial distribution of students at each campus, even if such policies might result in voluntary separate but equal institutions? From an economic efficiency perspective, the appropriate policy responses depend at least partially upon the answers to a number of questions: Do HBIs, per se, provide unique advantages to black students that they could not obtain at other institutions? If they do, is this because of the racial composition of their faculty or the racial composition of their students? If they do, would enrolling more black college students in higher expenditure per pupil integrated institutions actually leave these students in a worse position

Do Historically Black Institutions of Higher Education Confer Unique Advantages on Black Students: An Initial Analysis

Do Historically Black Institutions (HBIs)of Higher Education confer unique advantages on black students? Our paper consists of two separate analyses that begin 10 address this issue. The first uses data from the ?National Longitudinal Study of the High School Class of 1972? to ascertain whether black college students who attended HBIs in the early 1970s had higher graduation rates. improved early career labor market success and higher probabilities of going on 10 graduate or professional schools than their counterparts who attended other institutions. The econometric methods we employ control for the characteristics of the students. characteristics of the institutions, and the process by which black students decided 10 enroll (or were prevented from enrolling) in different types of institutions. We find that attendance at an HBI subswltia1ly enhanced the probability that a black student received a bachelor?s degree within seven years. however it had no apparent affect on the student's early career labor market success and probability of enrolling in post-college schooling. The second uses data from the 1987 to 1991 waves of the National Research Council's ?Survey of Earned Doctorates? to provide evidence on the patterns of black citizen doctorates with respect to their undergraduate institutions, their graduate institutions, and whether they achieved academic positions in major American liberal arts and research/doctorate institutions. Among the major findings is that black doctorates who received their undergraduate degrees at HBIs were much less likely to have received their graduate degree at a major research institution than those black doctorates who attended a major research or selective liberal arts undergraduate institution. Similarly, among the black doctorates who entered academic careers, those with graduate degrees from HBIs were less likely to be employed in major American research or liberal arts institutions than those who received their graduate degrees from major research institutions.

Do Historically Black Colleges and Universities Enhance the College Attendance of African American Youths?

Recently, Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) have become the center of intense policy debates. Do HBCUs enhance the college attendance of African American youths? Previous research has been inconclusive. Among other improvements, our study adjusts for the relative availability of HBCU enrollment opportunities in each state. We find that African Americans are more likely to choose HBCUs over other colleges if more HBCU openings are available. However, more HBCU openings don\u27t increase overall African American enrollment. As we have shown elsewhere, attendance at an HBCU does enhance African American students\u27 college graduation rates

Alu elements mediate MYB gene tandem duplication in human T-ALL

Recent studies have demonstrated that the MYB oncogene is frequently duplicated in human T cell acute lymphoblastic leukemia (T-ALL). We find that the human MYB locus is flanked by 257-bp Alu repeats and that the duplication is mediated somatically by homologous recombination between the flanking Alu elements on sister chromatids. Nested long-range PCR analysis indicated a low frequency of homologous recombination leading to MYB tandem duplication in the peripheral blood mononuclear cells of ∼50% of healthy individuals, none of whom had a MYB duplication in the germline. We conclude that Alu-mediated MYB tandem duplication occurs at low frequency during normal thymocyte development and is clonally selected during the molecular pathogenesis of human T-ALL

Alu elements mediate MYB gene tandem duplication in human T-ALL

Recent studies have demonstrated that the MYB oncogene is frequently duplicated in human T cell acute lymphoblastic leukemia (T-ALL). We find that the human MYB locus is flanked by 257-bp Alu repeats and that the duplication is mediated somatically by homologous recombination between the flanking Alu elements on sister chromatids. Nested long-range PCR analysis indicated a low frequency of homologous recombination leading to MYB tandem duplication in the peripheral blood mononuclear cells of ∼50% of healthy individuals, none of whom had a MYB duplication in the germline. We conclude that Alu-mediated MYB tandem duplication occurs at low frequency during normal thymocyte development and is clonally selected during the molecular pathogenesis of human T-ALL

Long-Term Unemployment Over Men's Careers

[Excerpt] Since the start of the recent recession, which began in December 2007, many unemployed Americans have entered the ranks of the long-term unemployed (those who are unemployed for 27 weeks or more). Long-term unemployment peaked at 46 percent of total unemployment in May 2010, well after the recent recession ended in June 2009. In contrast, after an earlier recession, which lasted from July 1981 to November 1982, the long-term unemployed number peaked at 26 percent of total unemployment in 1983. These point-in-time estimates, however, do not indicate the proportion of people who have a long-term unemployment spell over their labor market career, how long it takes to find a job after their first long-term unemployment spell, or how the spell affects wages over time. This BEYOND THE NUMBERS article begins to answer these questions. Using the employment history of men in the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 (NLSY79), the article examines entry into and out of longterm spells of unemployment and looks at the effect of long-term unemployment on average wages. The men in the NLSY79 were born in the years 1957 to 1964. The analysis covers the mid-1980s through 2009, focusing on men’s employment histories from their mid-20s, after they have become integrated into the labor market, until their middle to late 40s and early 50s.BLS_BTN_Long_term_unemployment.pdf: 237 downloads, before Oct. 1, 2020

Replication data for: Breastfeeding and Children's Early Cognitive Outcomes

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High School Employment and Youths' Academic Achievement

This paper asks whether employment during high school impacts youths' grade point average. Unlike much of the prior literature, it allows for the endogeneity of the hours and dropout decisions, uses ASVAB test scores, and tests whether youth employment is dynamic. The results indicate that high school employment and its lag have small, negative impacts on academic grade point average for both males and females. The hours effects diminish when a fixed person effect is included, and they become statistically insignificant when hours are instrumented.