Divine Sovereignty and State Authority in Israel and Iran

This thesis investigates the relationship between religion and politics in Israel and Iran through examining the development of Revolutionary Messianism as the founding philosophy of these contemporary states. These states differ in their political history and structure. In both cases, however, Messianism has been the core religious ideology in their understanding of revolution and their religio-political identity in the contemporary Middle East. Revolutionary Messianism negates the existence of apolitical and apocalyptic messianic theologies and gives rise to the emergence of new state actors: theological politicians and political theologians. This thesis examines the transformation of messianic ideology in the context of Israel’s and Iran’s security politics, their political structures, their legal systems, and their social environment. In doing so, it demonstrates the lasting impact of the messianic ideas on religion and politics in these states. It argues that the transformation of messianism has resulted in political elitism, the rise of new forms of fundamentalism, and the de-sacralisation of theology. This thesis offers a new analytical model for studying the relationship between religion and politics in Israel and Iran by identifying three phases: Revolutionary Messianism, State Building Messianism and State Maintenance Messianism. This model allows us to not only analyse the development of Revolutionary Messianism during the Revolutionary Phase but it crystallises the relationship between religion and politics after the establishment of the post-revolutionary states. In addition, it explains how these states define secularism, secularity, and secularization. It clarifies the boundaries that each state determines between religion and politics and the impacts of the development of Revolutionary Messianism on societies. It argues that in both cases politics is not subordinate to theology, but in fact it changes theology, and consequently religion

Wojna z terrorem i islamizacja Brunei

Narracja, jaką przyjęto w czasie wojny z terroryzmem, doprowadziła państwa muzułmańskie Azji Południowo-Wschodniej do sytuacji, na którą wiele z nich nie było przygotowanych. Państwa te, powstałe z popiołów kolonializmu, walczyły o wypracowanie pragmatycznego podejścia do religijnej i narodowej tożsamości. Wśród nich szczególnie interesującym przypadkiem jest Brunei, państwo zbudowane na tożsamości malajskiej i islamie. Od końca zimnej wojny i kolonizacji do wejścia w erę rozpoczętą przez ataki z 11 września Brunei uważało się za malajskie państwo muzułmańskie, przestrzegające kodeksów prawnych i systemów politycznych odziedziczonych po brytyjskich czasach kolonialnych. Jednak już presja Stanów Zjednoczonych podczas zimnej wojny sprzyjała pierwszej fali islamizacji Brunei, mającej na celu scentralizowanie władzy politycznej i religijnej w rękach sułtana. „Wojna z terrorem” zmieniła dynamikę tego procesu, osłabiła świeckie idee i siły polityczne w kraju, dając siłom religijnym większe znaczenie i władzę w państwie. Artykuł ten pokazuje, w jaki sposób „wojna z terrorem” zwiększyła rywalizację sił religijnych z sułtanem o znaczenie religii w państwie. Ta walka zapoczątkowała drugą falę islamizacji, różniącą się od pierwszej celami oraz rodzajem promowanego islamu.The ‘War on Terror’ narrative placed the Muslim countries of Southeast Asia in a complex situation for which many of them were not prepared. Rising from the ashes of colonialism, Southeast Asian states with Muslim majorities had been struggling to develop a pragmatic approach towards religious and national identities of their states. Amongst the many Muslim states in the region, Brunei offers an interesting case. Brunei considered it national identity to be based on Malay identity and Islam. From the end of the Cold War and colonisation until the September 11 era, it considered itself a Malay Muslim country but followed the legal codes and political systems they inherited from the British colonial times. Pressure from the US during the Cold War encouraged the first wave of Islamisation in Brunei aiming to centralise political and religious powers in the hands of the Sultan. The ‘War on Terror’, however, transformed this dynamic in Brunei. This transformation has weakened secular ideas and political forces in the country by giving more power to religious forces in Brunei’s legal system. By studying Brunei, this paper demonstrates how the ‘War on Terror’ empowered religious forces politically by igniting a competition between the Sultan and religious forces over the degree of their religiosity. This competition has ignited the second wave of Islamisation that is different from the first one in terms of its goals, agency and the version of Islam they promote.Der Diskurs des ‚Kriegs gegen den Terror‘ hat die muslimischen Länder in Südostasien in eine komplexe Lage gebracht, auf die viele der Staaten nicht vorbereitet waren. Nach dem Wiederaufstieg aus der Asche des Kolonialismus hatten die südostasiatischen Länder mit muslimischen Bevölkerungsmehrheiten lange zu kämpfen, um einen pragmatischen Umgang mit den religiösen und nationalen Identitäten ihrer Staaten zu finden. Unter den zahlreichen muslimischen Ländern in der Region stellt Brunei einen interessanten Fall dar. Brunei sieht die eigene nationale Identität als auf der malayischen Identität und dem Islam begründet. Nach Ende des Kalten Krieges und der Kolonialzeit und bis zur Ära des 11. Septembers sah man sich in Brunei als malayisch-muslimisches Land an, hielt aber die Gesetze und politischen Systeme aufrecht, die man als Erbe der britischen Kolonialzeit übernommen hatte. Der Druck seitens der USA während des Kalten Kriegs führte dazu, dass die erste Welle der Islamisierung in Brunei bestrebt war, die politische und religiöse Macht in den Händen des Sultans zu zentralisieren. Der ‚Krieg gegen den Terrorismus‘ dagegen verursachte einen Wandel dieser Dynamik in Brunei. Dieser Wandel schwächte säkulare Ideen und politische Kräfte im Land und verschaffte religiösen Einflüssen mehr Macht im Rechtssystem von Brunei. Anhand der Fallstudie Brunei zeigt dieser Text, wie der ‚Krieg gegen den Terrorismus‘ religiöse Kräfte politisch gestärkt hat, indem ein Wettstreit zwischen dem Sultan und religiösen Entscheidungsträgern über den Grad ihrer Religiosität angefacht wurde. Dieser Wettstreit hingegen hat eine zweite Islamisierungswelle ausgelöst, die sich hinsichtlich der Ziele, Handlungsmacht und unterstützten Version des Islam von der ersten unterscheidet.События, связанные с войной с терроризмом, привели мусульманские государства Юго-Восточной Азии к ситуации, к которой многие из них не были готовы. Эти го- сударства, возникшие в результате распада колониальной системы, боролись за сформирование прагматического подхода к религиозной и национальной идентич- ностям. Среди них особенно интересным случаем является Бруней – государство, основанное на малайской идентичности и исламе. С момента окончания холодной войны и колонизации до вступления в эру, начатую терактами 11 сентября, Бруней считался малайским мусульманским государством, которое придерживается пра- вовых кодексов и политических систем, унаследованных со времен британского ко- лониального правления. Однако давление США во времена холодной войны спо- собствовало первой волне исламизации Брунея, направленной на централизацию политической и религиозной власти в руках султана. «Война с террором» изменила динамику этого процесса, ослабила светские идеи и политические силы в стране, придав религиозным силам значимость и большую власть в государстве. В статье показано, как «война с террором» усилила соперничество между религиозными си- лами и султаном о значении религии в государстве. Эта борьба положила начало второй волне исламизации, отличавшейся от первой, целями и типом ислама

The oil market: players, challenges, and opportunities

Growing concern over the ever-increasing price of oil makes investigating new approaches to oil policy necessary. In the last year the price of oil has increased sharply due to the instability and the political tensions in the Middle East. Such an increase in prices in a short time has significant implications for oil-dependent societies. It also means that major oil consumers like China and the United States invest in storing oil, which could result in more shortage and even higher prices. Although governments attempt to lessen their dependency on fossil fuel by investing in alternative fuels, in the short term they need to form strategies to cope with such unstable situations. New Zealand in this regard remains a unique case, with many underdeveloped oil reserves and a possible future as an active player in the international oil market

Divine Sovereignty and State Authority in Israel and Iran

This thesis investigates the relationship between religion and politics in Israel and Iran through examining the development of Revolutionary Messianism as the founding philosophy of these contemporary states. These states differ in their political history and structure. In both cases, however, Messianism has been the core religious ideology in their understanding of revolution and their religio-political identity in the contemporary Middle East. Revolutionary Messianism negates the existence of apolitical and apocalyptic messianic theologies and gives rise to the emergence of new state actors: theological politicians and political theologians. This thesis examines the transformation of messianic ideology in the context of Israel’s and Iran’s security politics, their political structures, their legal systems, and their social environment. In doing so, it demonstrates the lasting impact of the messianic ideas on religion and politics in these states. It argues that the transformation of messianism has resulted in political elitism, the rise of new forms of fundamentalism, and the de-sacralisation of theology. This thesis offers a new analytical model for studying the relationship between religion and politics in Israel and Iran by identifying three phases: Revolutionary Messianism, State Building Messianism and State Maintenance Messianism. This model allows us to not only analyse the development of Revolutionary Messianism during the Revolutionary Phase but it crystallises the relationship between religion and politics after the establishment of the post-revolutionary states. In addition, it explains how these states define secularism, secularity, and secularization. It clarifies the boundaries that each state determines between religion and politics and the impacts of the development of Revolutionary Messianism on societies. It argues that in both cases politics is not subordinate to theology, but in fact it changes theology, and consequently religion

Security theory and practice: The Age of Fear. 20 Years Lat er

From Introduction: "This issue is different from all previous ones. Thus, an introduction to it needs to be different from earlier ones. There has to be a place for reflection, which used to be included in an interview preceding academic articles. Clever readers will find out soon why this is so if they only think about the professional path of one of the editors. However, it is not the only reason. A special character of this issue is also due to the anniversary, the 20th already, of the September 11, 2001 attacks which have changed the world around us. They led it onto a new path which became the global war on international terrorism, or rather with terrorists and organisations bringing them together. The fight was joined by many states whose governments reached for armed forces, regarding this as the best tool for winning the war. They forgot that this was a way to eliminate only one generation of terrorists, but not the sources of the phenomenon which would motivate a generation after generation. For example, according to the wave theory of terrorism, those who did not participate directly in the struggle watched it carefully, and everybody felt its consequences, both as ongoing wars and their aftermath, changes in internal legislature perceived as limiting civil liberties, and terrorist attacks happening in various places. Attacks which were tragic and spectacular, but not with as many casualties as on September 11."(...