8 research outputs found
Cross-cultural variations in naïve psychology: a longitudinal comparison of preschool children in the United Kingdom and Singapore
This thesis presents a three-phase longitudinal study of naïve psychology and
pretend play behaviour development between preschool children in the United Kingdom
(UK) and Singapore. Research conducted in the Western contexts has shown that children
develop an understanding of pretence and desires at 18 months of age (e.g. Nielsen &
Dissanayake, 2004; Repacholi & Gopnik, 1997), before level-1 visual perspective-taking at
2½ years of age (e.g. Flavell, Everett, Croft, & Flavell, 1981) and followed by level-2 visual
perspective-taking, appearance-reality distinction and false-belief understanding at 4 years of
age (e.g. Flavell et al., 1981; Flavell, Flavell, & Green, 1983; Wellman, Cross, & Watson,
2001). A major issue that has dominated the field for many years concerns whether naïve
psychology follows a universal developmental pattern. The majority of the studies to date
have tended to rely heavily on false-belief understanding as an index of children’s
understanding of mental representation. Some cross-cultural results have shown that the
onset of false-belief understanding coincides with Western norms (e.g. Callaghan et al.,
2005) whereas several non-Western studies have demonstrated a time lag in development
across cultural groups (e.g. Vinden, 1999). To date no longitudinal study comparing the
development of other naïve psychology concepts from 2 to 4 years of age between diverse
cultures has been published.
The present study aims to address the gap in the literature by tracking longitudinally
and comparing the developmental patterns of children’s understanding of a range of naïve
psychology concepts in the UK and Singapore at 2½, 3 and 3½ years of age (phases I, II and
III respectively). Singapore with its mixed blend of Eastern and Western values represents a
unique case for comparative study. This study employed a repeated-measures design,
incorporating a large battery of established tasks that tapped children’s understanding of
pretence, desires, visual perceptions and beliefs. In addition, a semi-structured observational
approach was employed to study children’s naturally occurring pretend play behaviour. A
total of 87 children were recruited in the UK (M = 28.60 months, SD = 1.90) and Singapore
(M = 29.89, SD = 2.76) in the first phase of study. Of the initial sample, 36 children (M =
42.75, SD = 1.84) in the UK cohort and 38 children (M = 43.68, SD = 2.79) in the Singapore
cohort participated in all three phases of the study. This thesis has five research questions.
The first question relates to the extent to which acquisition of naïve psychology
concepts differ between the two cultures at 2½ years of age. The baseline results reported in
Chapter 5 indicate that 2½-year-old children in both cohorts acquired a rudimentary
understanding of some aspects of pretence, discrepant desires, action prediction, emotion prediction and level-1 visual perspective-taking. The results showed no gross cross-cultural
differences. However, subtle cross-cultural differences in children’s understanding of
discrepant desires and action prediction were found.
The second question addresses longitudinal cross-cultural differences in naïve
psychology development between 2½, 3 and 3½ years of age. The results presented in
Chapter 6 reveal cultural similarities in children’s performance on several pretence
understanding, the level-2 visual perspective-taking, the appearance-reality distinction and
the false-belief explanation tasks. Nonetheless, cultural differences were observed in some
aspects of naïve psychology. The UK cohort performed significantly better than the
Singapore cohort in the unexpected transfer false-belief prediction task at 3½ years of age,
after verbal mental age (VMA) and gender were treated as covariates. Additionally, the UK
cohort achieved significantly higher total mean for the level-1 visual perspective-taking task
across the three phases and the mental representation in pretence task across phases II and III.
In contrast, the Singapore cohort scored significantly higher in total mean for the discrepant
desires task across the three phases.
The third question considers longitudinal differences in children’s understanding of
knowledge-ignorance and beliefs from 3 to 3½ years of age. The analysis in Chapter 7
indicates that the Singapore cohort performed significantly more poorly than the UK cohort
in understanding knowledge-ignorance attribution (for the false-belief prediction and falsebelief
explanation tasks) and true-belief ascription (for the false-belief explanation task)
across phases II and III, after VMA and gender were considered as covariates. Comparison
of children’s false-belief prediction and justification scores revealed that the cross-cultural
difference in false-belief prediction related to an explicit ability to predict false-belief
without concurrent ability to justify a naïve character’s behaviour based on false-beliefs.
Twenty-four (66.7%) and 11 (28.9%) children in the UK and Singapore cohorts respectively
were able to make correct false-belief prediction at 3½ years of age. Among these children,
only six and five children from the UK and Singapore cohorts respectively provided correct
justifications on the basis of false-beliefs. These findings therefore indicated cultural
similarities in that the same number of children in both cohorts was able to predict and
justify other’s behaviour in terms of false-beliefs.
The fourth question explores the degree to which presence of sibling(s), birth order,
language (VMA) and bilingualism contribute to individual differences in naïve psychology
development. The results in Chapter 8 show no evidence that presence of sibling(s) and birth
order facilitated understanding of action prediction, discrepant desires, level-1 visual
perspective-taking, mental representation in pretence and false-belief prediction in either cohort. With respect to the role of language in children’s naïve psychology development,
there were concurrent (within phase) associations between VMA and false-belief prediction
at 3½ years of age and longitudinal associations between VMA at 2½ years of age and falsebelief
prediction at 3½ years of age for both cohorts. These findings suggest that language
ability contributes to individual differences in false-belief understanding. It is worth
highlighting that not all aspects of naïve psychology and VMA were related.
The fifth and final question focuses on longitudinal cross-cultural similarities and
differences in pretend play behaviour and examines the links between pretend play
behaviour and naïve psychology development. The observational data in Chapter 9 reveal
that the Singaporean children spent significantly more time engaged in non-pretend play and
non-social pretend play at 2½ years of age whereas the UK children spent significantly more
time engaged in social pretend play. This finding contrasted with the marked cultural
differences in naïve psychology development found at 3 and 3½ years of age. It is important
to note that the UK and Singaporean children showed similar developmental sequences from
non-pretend to non-social pretend and finally to social pretend play behaviour and from
simple to complex forms of social pretend play behaviour. With respect to other pretend play
behaviour, the UK children spent significantly more time engaged in positive
complementary bids, negative conflict, other forms of pretence, metacommunication and in
the pretend theme of outings, holiday and weather across all phases than the Singaporean
children. The associations between some early pretend play behaviour and later acquisition
of some naïve psychology concepts for both cultures provide partial support for the
proposition that pretend play behaviour is an early marker of understanding mental
representation. The reciprocal relationships between some pretend play behaviour and some
naïve psychology concepts for the Singapore children alone provide partial support for the
premise that pretend play behaviour and naïve psychology are closely related and
intertwined.
Taken together, the findings presented in this thesis extend our understanding of the
gradual development of various naïve psychology concepts and pretend play behaviour
between a Western and a hybrid culture. There were, however, substantial cross-cultural
differences in the onset of some aspects of naïve psychology and pretend play behaviour.
The roles of language, siblings and social pretend play behaviour in children’s naïve
psychology development cannot be fully understood without considering culture as a frame
of reference. The results of this study have a number of important implications for policy and
practice including how pretend play should form an integral part of early childhood
curriculum. Recommendations for further research are discussed
Cross-Cultural Variations in Naïve Psychology among 2-year-olds: A Comparison of Children in the United Kingdom and Singapore
Children's understanding of naïve psychology is the main focus of this study. Research evidence suggests that 2- and 3-year-olds understand some aspects of naïve psychology. By 4 years, they develop internal representations of mental states. Previous studies have also reported cross-cultural variations in naïve psychology development. The majority of this research has focused on Western individualistic societies such as Australia, Europe and North America, and Eastern collectivism societies such as China and Japan. Singapore with its blend of Eastern and Western values represents a unique case for comparison with Western societies. This paper reports a cross-cultural study of young children's developing understanding of naïve psychology in Edinburgh, UK and Singapore. It addresses three main questions: (a) Are there cross-cultural differences in the development of naïve psychology?; (b) What are children's performance sequences on naïve psychology tasks?; and (c) Are naïve psychology concepts coherent? The participants were 87 children from the UK (n=43, mean age 2 years 4 months) and Singapore (n=44, mean age 2 years 5 months). This study incorporated several established tasks of pretence, desires, emotions, perceptions, appearance-reality and false-beliefs to investigate children's understanding of non-representational and representational mental states. The results showed no gross cross-cultural differences. However, significant cultural differences in performance on two tasks and differences in the coherence of naïve psychology concepts were identified. The results highlight the importance of considering subtle cultural influences on children's developing understanding of various aspects of naïve psychology. © 2010 Brill
Impact of 5g telematics
New technologies such as wearable wireless medical devices are transforming the way healthcare is delivered. As these devices become more powerful and numerous, the daunting challenge is whether the existing communications infrastructure can meet the requirements of the changing landscape. 5G technology offers huge potential for future personalised healthcare delivery.This article appears in the Special issue on Healthcare Technology,and is part of the editorial section - Information Technology
Impact of 5g telematics
New technologies such as wearable wireless medical devices are transforming the way healthcare is delivered. As these devices become more powerful and numerous, the daunting challenge is whether the existing communications infrastructure can meet the requirements of the changing landscape. 5G technology offers huge potential for future personalised healthcare delivery.This article appears in the Special issue on Healthcare Technology,and is part of the editorial section - Information Technology
Role transition: A descriptive exploratory study of assistant nurse clinicians in Singapore
Aim: To explore the role‐transition experiences of assistant nurse clinicians after their first year of appointment.
Background: The National Nursing Taskforce was set up in Singapore to examine the professional development and recognition of nurses. It created the assistant nurse clinician role as an avenue for the nurses’ career development. The role was intended to assist nurse managers to guide the nursing team in the assessment, planning, and delivery of patient care.
Methods: A qualitative descriptive study design was adopted. A purposive sample of 22 registered nurses from six acute care institutions and two polyclinics in Singapore participated in the face‐to‐face interviews. An inductive content analysis approach was used to analyse the data.
Results: Four themes emerged: (a) promotion to assistant nurse clinician is a form of recognition and vindication; (b) there was uncertainty about the expected role of the assistant nurse clinician; (c) experience eases transition; and (d) there was a need for peer support, mentorship, and training.
Conclusions: The job description of the assistant nurse clinician needs to be better defined to provide greater clarity about their clinical and administrative duties and what is expected of their performance.
Implications for Nursing Management: It is essential for nurse managers to provide successful role transition strategies to help the newly appointed assistant nurse clinicians to become efficient and effective leaders