The UK is reaping what the British media have been sowing for a long time

The result of the EU referendum and the now imminent Brexit have been met with shock and disbelief both globally and in the UK. Despite indications by the polls there was still hope that reason would prevail over inwardness, hate and anger. At the same time, however, the result seems to be the sad but natural culmination of a campaign period marked by viciousness, lies and fear-mongering, which has divided the country and unleashed dark powers of nationalistic superiority, racism and xenophobia that would have been hard to deal with, even if the result of the referendum had been different, and the British public had decided to stay within the Union. Emotions have been running high in the last months, and the UK media contributed significantly to this. But their toxic role in the referendum has to be seen beyond this specific historical moment

Varoufakis on the international media catwalk: on the politics of style

About ten days have passed since the new Greek government came into power and also the spotlight of the international media over its negotiations with European partners concerning the country’s debt. Negotiations aside, however, there is a person that attracted the greatest part of media attention over the last week, namely the Greek Finance Minister, Yanis Varoufakis. This attention has been unprecedented compared to the many Finance Ministers Greece has changed over the last few years, not only in terms of its amount but also its nature. Dressed in casual clothes, untucked shirts and sporty jackets, Varoufakis made it to the fashion pages of major media outlets, and has been described as a ‘rock star’, ‘fashion trailblazer’, or ‘the most interesting man in Europe’

The struggle over the Greek national broadcaster: a debate of extremes

Greece is once more in turmoil. The sudden and shocking shutdown of the state television and radio network, ERT, by the government last Tuesday was met with angry demonstrations not only by the virtually 2,600 employees of the organisation, who were made redundant in a matter of a few hours, but by the large majority of the Greek public, who rushed to demonstrate in support of ERT and its employees. The government’s move is deemed to undermine the already sensitive balance in the coalition government and to further reinforce public mistrust. At the same time, it has set in motion a battle of words, which in each faction is based on faulty premises and detracts attention from other serious aspects of the issue

In Greece, they shoot immigrants, don’t they?

It was April of 2013, when Greece and the international press were shocked by the news that about thirty migrant workers were shot by the supervisors of the strawberry fields where they had been working in Manolada, Peloponese, after asking for six months’ worth of unpaid wages. More than a year later, at the end of July 2014, the trial of the four farmers involved concluded. Two of them, including the owner of the farm, also charged for human trafficking, were acquitted; two were found guilty of serious bodily harm and abetting serious bodily harm from neglect and received sentences of fourteen years and seven months and eight years and seven months respectively, but were freed pending appeal. In other words, no one is being punished for the shooting of twenty-eight people

Syriza’s win and the Greek elections: many shades of grey

Reading the press headlines all over Europe today, one gets the impression of a schizophrenic Europe, with images of glory and gloom about what Syriza’s win means for the future of the Eurozone being painted by different newspapers. On the one hand, the win of the left party is constructed as the win of hope over strict austerity and its grave consequences, and the answer of the long-suffering Greeks to the policies of Brussels. This answer gives hope to the Left around Europe, from Spain’s Podemos, who have closely supported Tsipras, to UK’s Labour Party. On the other hand, the elite press highlights the risk of a rekindling of the crisis and the possibility of a ‘Grexit’, if Tsipras sticks to his position of renegotiating the terms of the Greek bailout and getting rid of the Troika

What kind of media for Europe?

In his speech about the prospects of the European idea given last week, the German President Joachim Gauck talked about the lack of communication and understanding within Europe. He identified the focus on national interests and considerations by media organisations in different European countries as the main problem for this communicative deficit. He argued that a common public space – a “European agora” – , established on the basis of a common language and a common European broadcaster is the desired solution

Who’s reporting the crisis? The state of the media in Greece

Greece has been ranked 84th among 179 countries for freedom of the press, according to the 2013 World Press Freedom Index published in January 2013 by the international NGO “Reporters Without Borders”, with a staggering fall of fourteen positions from the previous year. The report attributes this “dramatic” and “disturbing” slump to the “disastrous social and professional atmosphere” within which Greek journalists work. Undoubtedly, this atmosphere is closely related to the economic crisis in the country, which is also experienced as a deep political and social crisis. At the same time, however, the journalistic sector has extreme difficulties escaping the trap it has created for itself due to its close links to the political establishment. Recent developments in online news media do not give much hope for substantial change in the Greek public sphere

Greek media in crisis

The media sector has been one of the victims of the financial crisis in Greece. Several newspapers and television channels have closed down and about 4,000 journalists are said to have lost their jobs in the last three years

Football diplomacy or populism going German-style

A story that went almost unnoticed in Greek media due to the dramatic developments in Cyprus over the last couple of weeks was the arrival of German football coach Otto Rehhagel in Athens on a diplomatic mission last week. Rehhagel is the coach that led the Greek team to the triumphant conquest of the Euro Cup in 2004 and therefore a much beloved figure among Greeks. On account of his popularity, Rehhagel was reportedly picked out by Angela Merkel as a good-will ambassador with the mission to reverse the widespread anti-German sentiment of the Greek public. Despite its intentions, the public relations move failed to meet German expectations. Most importantly, it is illustrative of crucial aspects of the relationship between the two countries, Germany and Greece, as well as populist politics involved in the Euro crisis overall