Negative Islands and obviation by 'wa' in Japanese degree questions

This paper aims to explain the observation (not previously reported) that -wa obviates Negative Island effects in Japanese degree questions. The explanation offered ties this obviation to epistemic implications associated with -wa, deriving the latter in a (Neo-)Gricean framework. The explanation relies on Fox & Hackl's (2006) view that Negative Islands in degree questions are due to the necessary failure of a Maximality Presupposition, but it abandons their proposal that such presuppositions must be calculated under the assumption that scales of degrees are invariably dense

Strict and non-strict negative concord in Hungarian: A unified analysis

Surányi (2006) observed that Hungarian has a hybrid (strict + non-strict) negative concord system. This paper proposes a uniform analysis of that system within the general framework of Zeijlstra (2004, 2008) and, especially, Chierchia (2013), with the following new ingredients. Sentential negation NEM is the same full negation in the presence of both strict and non-strict concord items. Preverbal SENKI `n-one’ type negative concord items occupy the specifier position of either NEM `not' or SEM `nor'. The latter, SEM spells out IS `too, even’ in the immediate scope of negation; it is a focus-sensitive head on the clausal spine. SEM can be seen as an overt counterpart of the phonetically null head that Chierchia dubs NEG; it is capable of invoking an abstract (disembodied) negation at the edge of its projection

Association between KCNJ6 (GIRK2) Gene Polymorphisms and Postoperative Analgesic Requirements after Major Abdominal Surgery

Opioids are commonly used as effective analgesics for the treatment of acute and chronic pain. However, considerable individual differences have been widely observed in sensitivity to opioid analgesics. We focused on a G-protein-activated inwardly rectifying potassium (GIRK) channel subunit, GIRK2, that is an important molecule in opioid transmission. In our initial polymorphism search, a total of nine single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) were identified in the whole exon, 5′-flanking, and exon-intron boundary regions of the KCNJ6 gene encoding GIRK2. Among them, G-1250A and A1032G were selected as representative SNPs for further association studies. In an association study of 129 subjects who underwent major open abdominal surgery, the A/A genotype in the A1032G SNP and -1250G/1032A haplotype were significantly associated with increased postoperative analgesic requirements compared with other genotypes and haplotypes. The total dose (mean±SEM) of rescue analgesics converted to equivalent oral morphine doses was 20.45±9.27 mg, 10.84±2.24 mg, and 13.07±2.39 mg for the A/A, A/G, and G/G genotypes in the A1032G SNP, respectively. Additionally, KCNJ6 gene expression levels in the 1032A/A subjects were significantly decreased compared with the 1032A/G and 1032G/G subjects in a real-time quantitative PCR analysis using human brain tissues, suggesting that the 1032A/A subjects required more analgesics because of lower KCNJ6 gene expression levels and consequently insufficient analgesic effects. The results indicate that the A1032G SNP and G-1250A/A1032G haplotype could serve as markers that predict increased analgesic requirements. Our findings will provide valuable information for achieving satisfactory pain control and open new avenues for personalized pain treatment

Indeterminate NPIs and Scope

From the Proceedings of SALT XVIII, 200

Wh -constructions in Japanese

This dissertation investigates the syntax and semantics of two types of wh-constructions in Japanese. One is the construction that involves so-called “indeterminate phrases”, such as dare ‘who’ and nani ‘what’. The other is what is known as the “internally headed relative clause construction”. In both of these wh-constructions, association of two non-local positions in a sentence takes place. The association has been most commonly analyzed in terms of invisible movement. This dissertation reexamines this assumption. Indeterminate phrases differ from English wh-phrases in that they occur in the universal construction as well. Previous studies have put primary focus on indeterminate phrases in the interrogative construction, and tried to extend their analysis to the universal construction. Chapter 2 shows that examining the universal construction provides a new window on the nature of association between indeterminate phrases and the question particle ka and the universal particle mo. As a consequence of a proposed semantics of the universal construction, a uniform analysis of the two constructions emerges that does not involve English-type wh-movement. It has been a long-standing puzzle that the association between indeterminate phrases and ka and mo can take place across islands for movement, except for wh-islands. This presents a challenge to any movement theory. The analysis presented in this chapter allows a switch of perspective on this long-standing puzzle, and the puzzle is shown to follow from the interpretative process. Chapter 3 examines the internally headed relative clause construction, with particular focus on new data that involve quantificational NPs and indeterminate phrases. The data provide arguments for representations in which the internal head remains internal at LF. Furthermore, it is shown that a kind of “argument sharing” observed in this construction is better analyzed in terms of anaphora rather than in terms of movement. Evidence is presented that the interpretation of this construction involves E-type anaphora in particular. An explicit mechanism for compositional interpretation is proposed, which also derives a restriction on possible internal heads. This study has the cross-linguistic implication that the constructions called “internally headed relative clauses” in various languages do not form a homogeneous class

Angelika, Junko, Elliott

Angelika, Junko Shimoyama, Elliott Moreton (after Junko\u27s defense)https://scholarworks.umass.edu/ak_festsite_photos/1012/thumbnail.jp

Angelika and Bernhard

Angelika, Bernhard Schwarz, Lisa Matthewson, Irene Heimhttps://scholarworks.umass.edu/ak_festsite_photos/1011/thumbnail.jp

On the Inverse Trace Conversion and maximal informativeness analysis of Japanese internally-headed relative clauses: A reply to Erlewine and Gould 2016

In this response to Erlewine & Gould (2016), we argue that an account of internally-headed relative clauses using Inverse Trace Conversion and the maximal informativeness semantics for definites of von Fintel et al. (2014) does not derive the observed interpretations when the internal head is quantified by certain downward entailing quantifiers and derives no interpretation at all for non-monotonic and some upward entailing quantifiers. We then argue that the cases that Erlewine & Gould (2016) claim to be a newly identified interpretation of internally-headed relatives are actually headless relatives