House Price Changes and Idiosyncratic Risk: The Impact of Property Characteristics

While the average change in house prices is related to changes in fundamentals or perhaps market-wide bubbles, not all houses in a market appreciate at the same rate. The primary focus of our study is to investigate the reasons for these variations in price changes among houses within a market. We draw on two theories for guidance, one related to the optimal search strategy for sellers of atypical dwellings and the other focusing on the bargaining process between a seller and potential buyers. We hypothesize that houses will appreciate at different rates depending on the characteristics of the property and the change in the strength of the housing market. These hypotheses are supported using data from three New Zealand housing markets.Atypicality, Bargaining, Housing Risk, House Price Appreciation, Search Models

Language, Agglomeration, and Hispanic Homeownership

As of the fourth quarter of 2005, 76 percent of white non-Hispanic families owned homes, but only 50 percent of Hispanic families. We argue that low rates of homeownership in Hispanic communities create a self-reinforcing mechanism that contributes to this large disparity. In part, this occurs because proximity to other homeowners belonging to a family’s social network improves access to information about how to become a homeowner. Role model effects may also be relevant. We investigate these issues using household-level data on out-of-state movers from the 2000 Decennial Census. Three especially important results are obtained. First, proximity to Hispanic homeowners in the 1995 place of residence increases the propensity of a Hispanic family to own a home in 2000. Second, that effect is especially strong with respect to proximity to weak English speaking Hispanic homeowners. Third, these patterns hold regardless of the Hispanic family’s own ability to speak English. From a policy perspective, these results suggest that local programs designed to promote homeownership among weak English-speaking Hispanic families likely increase Hispanic homeownership beyond just the immediate program participants.Language, Agglomeration, Homeownership

Capitalization of Parent, School, and Peer Group Components of School Quality into House Price

We decompose school proficiency test scores into their parent, peer group, and school input components to see which are valued by the housing market. The value-added model proposes that only locationally fixed district-specific factors such as inputs to schooling and the characteristics of student peers are capitalized into house prices. This model claims that portable inputs to student outcomes, such as parental contributions, are not capitalized. A competing model argues that value-added is not easily observed; rather, educational outcomes such as proficiency test scores are easily observed and are capitalized into house prices. Based on our study of 123 school districts and 27,000 house transactions, we find little support for the value-added model. Instead, we find that households value a district’s average proficiency test scores. The primary component of the proficiency test score that is capitalized into house prices is the parental input component. The peer group component is also valued, but less strongly. The school input component is not valued.

Educational Outcomes and House Values: A Test of the Value-Added Approach

We use house price hedonics to compare the extent that homeowners value traditional measures of school quality or the “value added” of schooling. Unlike other studies, we use spatial statistics as an identification strategy. Based on our study of 310 school districts and 77,000 house transactions, we find little support for the value added model. Instead, we find that households consistently value a district’s average proficiency test scores and expenditures. The elasticity of house prices with respect to school expenditures is 0.49 and an increase in test scores by one standard deviation, ceteris paribus, raises house prices by 7.1%.

The Influence of Household Formation on Homeownership Rates across Time and Race

Homeownership rates equal the number of households that own homes divided by the number of households in the population. Differences in the propensity to form a household, therefore, may contribute to changes in homeownership rates over time in addition to longstanding racial gaps in homeownership. We examine these issues on an age-specific basis using data from the 1970 to 2000 public use micro samples (PUMS) of the decennial census. Results indicate that lower headship rates tend to reduce homeownership rates. This pattern is most notable for individuals in their early and mid-20s. For these individuals, declining headship rates between 1970 and 2000 reduced homeownership rates by 3 to 5 percentage points. Moreover, year-2000 African American headship rates narrow white-black gaps in homeownership by roughly three percentage points, while year-2000 Hispanic headship rates widen white-Hispanic gaps in homeownership by two to three percentage points. Thus, controlling for differences in headship behavior, white-black homeownership gaps are somewhat more severe than previously recognized, but the reverse is true for white-Hispanic gaps.Household headship, Household formation, Homeownership rates, Racial gap in homeownership, Black-white differences

House Price Changes and Idiosyncratic Risk: The Impact of Property Characteristics

While the average change in house prices is related to changes in fundamentals or perhaps market-wide bubbles, not all houses in a market appreciate at the same rate.The primary focus of our study is to investigate the reasons for these variations in price changes among houses within a market. We draw on two theories for guidance, one related to the optimal search strategy for sellers of atypical dwellings and the other focusing on the bargaining process between a seller and potential buyers. We hypothesize that houses will appreciate at different rates depending on the characteristics of the property and the change in the strength of the housing market. These hypotheses are supported using data from three New Zealand housing markets.Atypicality; Bargaining; Housing Risk; House Price Appreciation; Search Models

The Demand for Educational Quality: Comparing Estimates from a Median Voter Model with those from an Almost Ideal Demand System

Communities differ in both the bundle of amenities offered to residents and the implicit price of these amenities. Thus, households are faced with a choice of which bundle to select when they select their residence. This choice implies households make tradeoffs among the amenities; that is, the amenities are substitutes or complements. We focus on estimating the demand for public school quality. After generating the implicit prices of community amenities from a hedonic house price equation, we use the median voter model and the AIDS model framework for estimating price and income elasticities of demand. The two models yield very similar estimates. The own price elasticity of demand for schooling is about -0.6 with an income elasticity of demand of 0.5. Public safety and school quality are substitutes as are the community’s income level and school quality.

On the Determinants of House Value Volatility

Few studies have analyzed the determinants of house value volatility at the level of individual houses. This paper uses two panels of the American Housing Survey covering 1974-2003 to test four hypotheses related to the determinants of house value volatility. The findings are that 1) house values at both ends of the quality distribution have greater variance than those with average quality levels, 2) the more atypical a house is, the greater the variance of house value, 3) the more highly "land leveraged" a house is, the greater the variance of its value, and 4) house values owned by minority households have greater variance than those of whites.

Homeownership Gaps Among Low-Income and Minority Households

While homeownership rates currently stand at historically high levels for all segments of the U.S. population, large gaps are present comparing various groups of the population. As of the third quarter of 2006, the non-Hispanic white homeownership rate was 76 percent while black and Hispanic homeownership rates were below 50 percent, and the Asian rate was 60 percent. The ownership gap between black and white households is larger in 2006 than 1990, while that between Hispanics and whites is only slightly smaller. Households with very-low income had a homeownership rate that was 37 percentage points below the rate for high-income households. These gaps have changed little over the last 50 years. The primary goal of this study is to synthesize what is known about the determinants of gaps in homeownership rates by income, racial, and ethnic status. We first present a conceptual framework for analyzing the determinants of homeownership. We then review the literature that identifies the relative importance of various contributing factors to observed homeownership gaps, separating the factors into those that are observed and those that are part of an unexplained residual that represents unmeasured factors such as discrimination, lack of information about the home buying and mortgage financing process, and omitted socio-economic variables.