Gandhi, the freedom fighter and educator: A Southern Theorist

The concept of Southern Theory is a response to Northern sociological theory, which is considered to be incomplete because it does not consider global dynamics, which would include the life-experiences of people of the South and the impact of socio-cultural changes brought about by colonialism and globalization. Raewyn Connell introduced the term Southern Theory to emphasize the intellectual power and political relevance of social thought emanating from formerly colonized countries. The term Southern Theory can be confusing, overarching theories that incorporate new ideas that would represent the experiences of unequal development are imperative in a globalized world. The ideas of non-violence and moral togetherness that Gandhi represented are discussed in this paper along with his education experiments and theories. Being radical, his educational ideas were not accepted in India after independence because the country needed to “catch-up” with the development of industrialized countries after centuries of colonial subjugation. But his profoundly different ideas of achieving social/political change through non-violence, and his ideas on education for working towards a social order free from exploitation and violence, represented local needs and a new way of looking at society and education

Bridging Education and Law Enforcement for Countering Violent Extremism

On November 24, 2021, Dr. Ratna Ghosh, a Distinguished James McGill Professor and W.C. Macdonald Professor of Education at McGill University, presented on Bridging Education and Law Enforcement for Countering Violent Extremism at the 2021 CASIS West Coast Security Conference. The presentation was followed by a question and answer period with questions from the audience and CASIS Vancouver executives. The key points discussed included the utilization of soft versus hard power approaches against violent extremism, how radicalization triggers can be addressed in schools, and how communities can contribute to the prevention of youth radicalization

Re-bordering Immigrant and Refugee Identities in Quebec’s Multicultural Society: The Case of South Asian (SA) Youth

Re-bordering is an aspect of globalization. Borders have become impervious to national, political and even cultural boundaries. All regions of the world are permeable to political, economic, cultural, social, environmental and epidemic factors. People’s identities and identifications are no longer seen as being stable and fixed, but rather- they are constantly in a state of flux. Canada is a country of immigrants and the last census (2006) put the number of visible minority people at 16.20% of a population of nearly 34 million people (Statistics Canada, 2007). Canada is known as a country with a broad immigration policy and one of the top destinations for immigrants. Canada is also seen as a leader in refugee protection and ranks first among the G8 major industrialized countries in the number of refugee status claimants per capita of its population. In 2001, the Immigration Act of 1976 was replaced by the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA) (Bill-11), at which point Canada began to accept approximately 25,000 refugees a year. OECD figures indicate that in 2008, 34,800 people sought asylum in Canada. Since 9/11 there has been a significant change in how cultural and religious minorities, especially those from certain parts of the world, are viewed. People from South Asia 1 more if they are identifiable as Muslims – are viewed with suspicion. Globalization and international migration, as well as refugees from the wars in Afghanistan and Sri Lanka2 have been bringing people from the sub-continent of India to Western countries in larger numbers than ever before. South Asians (SAs) are the largest source of immigration in Canada, and in fact, one of the fastest growing immigrant groups in North America. This trend is not likely to change given the need for immigrants for a graying population and a below sustainable birthrate. Many SAs come to Quebec which has around 80,000 people with origins in the sub-continent, and they are mainly concentrated in Montreal. “Retracer les frontières ” est un aspect de la globalisation. A travers les frontières, les bornes nationales, politiques et même culturelles sont devenues imperméables. Toutes les régions du monde sont perméables aux facteurs politiques, économiques, culturels, sociaux, environnementaux et épidémiques. Les notions d’identités et d’identifications du genre humain ne sont, désormais, plus considérées comme étant stables et fixes, mais plutôt sont-elles constamment en état de fluctuation. Le Canada est un pays d’immigrants, et le dernier recensement (2006) a avancé le nombre des minorités visibles à 16,20% d’une population de près de 34 millions d’habitants (Statistics Canada, 2007). Le Canada est reconnu comme un pays ayant une vaste politique migratoire et est l’une des destinations préférées des immigrants. Le Canada est également perçu comme un leader dans la protection des réfugiés et occupe la première place parmi les grands pays industrialisés du G8, dans le nombre des revendicateurs du statut de réfugié et par habitant dans sa population. En 2001, la Loi sur l’Immigration de 1976 a été remplacée par la Loi sur l’Immigration et la Protection des Réfugiés (LIPR) (Projet de loi-11), à un tel point que le Canada a commencé à accepter environs 25 000 réfugiés par an. Les données de l’OECD indiquent qu’en 2008, 34 800 personnes ont cherché asile au Canada. Depuis le 11 Septembre, un changement significatif a été constaté dans la manière dont les minorités culturelles et religieuses, particulièrement celles qui proviennent de certaines parties du monde, sont perçues. Les habitants d’Asie du Sud, davantage s’ils sont Musulmans, sont regardés avec suspicion. La globalisation et la migration internationale, ainsi que les réfugiés des guerres en Afghanistan et au Sri Lanka, ont entraîné des gens en plus grand nombre que jamais, du souscontinent de l’Inde vers les pays occidentaux. Les Sud-Asiatiques (SA) représentent la source la plus importante de l’immigration canadienne, et en fait, l’un des groupes d’immigrants à la croissance rapide, en Amérique du Nord. Cette tendance n’est pas susceptible de changer, compte tenu de la nécessité des immigrants pour compenser à une population vieillissante et à un taux de naissance en dessous de la moyenne. Beaucoup de SA vont au Québec qui compte environ 80 000 habitants originaires du sous-continent, et ils sont principalement concentrés à Montréal

What role do French society and its education system play in promoting violent radicalization processes?

Radicalization is a complicated phenomenon, which is caused by multiple factors, including poor housing, low education, and unemployment, according to a study by the French Institute of International Relations (Hecker, 2018; Macaluso, 2016). France has a high number of radicalized terrorists, most of whom are homegrown, often with strong cultural ties to former French colonial countries in North Africa (IFRI, 2018). This paper aims to illustrate how social exclusion and marginalization created and perpetuated by the inequalities in the French society and education system (Bourdieu, 1971; Croizet et al, 2019; Goodman 2019; Jetten et al., 2020; Vanten, 2016), may be contributing to the radicalization of many young French citizens.  This push factor could be a key precondition for radicalization in many Western societies (Ghosh et al., 2016). While critiquing the French education system, this study insists that schools can and must create a sense of connection with their students and construct resilient and inclusive communities (da Silva, 2017, Ghosh et al., 2017; OECD, 2012). Finally, some pedagogical approaches, especially care in education, are suggested for educational institutions and school agents to effectively build a sense of belonging among young students that would enhance their resilience against radicalization

Religion as a Human Right and a Security Threat—Investigating Young Adults’ Experiences of Religion in Finland

The emergence of religiously motivated terrorist attacks and the increasing xenophobia expressed in Europe concern religions in many ways. Questions related to religion also lie at the core of educational aims and practices used to create national cohesion and understanding about different types of values and worldviews. However, despite the topicality of the issue, we have little knowledge about the ways in which young adults experience religions in a secular state. In order to contribute to the discussion regarding the relationships between religion, nationality, security, and education, this study focuses on investigating how politically active young adults experience the role of religions in Finnish society. The qualitative data of this study were collected from young adults (18–30-year-olds) through an online questionnaire distributed through political youth organisations. The content analysis of the responses (altogether 250 respondents) identified five main orientations towards religions. The findings highlight the importance of providing young people with education about different faiths and worldviews for reducing prejudices, especially those related to Islam. The findings also highlight the need to address in education and society the possible but not as self-evident relationship between violence and religion, and to do this more explicitly than is currently done

Religion as a Human Right and a Security Threat—Investigating Young Adults’ Experiences of Religion in Finland

The emergence of religiously motivated terrorist attacks and the increasing xenophobia expressed in Europe concern religions in many ways. Questions related to religion also lie at the core of educational aims and practices used to create national cohesion and understanding about different types of values and worldviews. However, despite the topicality of the issue, we have little knowledge about the ways in which young adults experience religions in a secular state. In order to contribute to the discussion regarding the relationships between religion, nationality, security, and education, this study focuses on investigating how politically active young adults experience the role of religions in Finnish society. The qualitative data of this study were collected from young adults (18–30-year-olds) through an online questionnaire distributed through political youth organisations. The content analysis of the responses (altogether 250 respondents) identified five main orientations towards religions. The findings highlight the importance of providing young people with education about different faiths and worldviews for reducing prejudices, especially those related to Islam. The findings also highlight the need to address in education and society the possible but not as self-evident relationship between violence and religion, and to do this more explicitly than is currently done

Religion as a Human Right and a Security Threat – Investigating Young Adults’ Experiences of Religion in Finland

The emergence of religiously -motivated terrorist attacks and the increasing xenophobia expressed in Europe concern religions in many ways. Questions related to religion also lie at the core of educational aims and practices used to create national cohesion and understanding about different types of values and worldviews. However, despite the topicality of the issue, we have little knowledge about the ways in which young adults experience religions in a secular state. In order to contribute to the discussion regarding the relationships between religion, nationality, security, and education, this study focuses on investigating how politically active young adults experience the role of religions in Finnish society. The qualitative data of this study were collected from young adults (18–30-year- olds) through an online questionnaire distributed through political youth organisations. The content analysis of the responses (altogether 250 respondents) identified five main orientations towards religions. The findings highlight the importance of providing young people with education about different faiths and worldviews for reducing prejudices, especially those related to Islam. The findings also highlight the need to address in education and society the possible but not as self-evident relationship between violence and religion, and to do this more explicitly than is currently done.Peer reviewe

Talking about violent extremism: Experiences of Canadian secondary school teachers in four metropolitan areas

This study explores the perspectives and experiences of Canadian secondary school teachers around violent extremism through semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions with 30 (n=30) teachers from Montreal, Toronto, Calgary, and Vancouver. The findings reveal unanimous eagerness among participants to engage with controversial subjects, yet almost all of them exhibit discomfort in addressing violent extremism, primarily due to perceived deficiencies in their expertise and training in this area. Some teachers show reluctance to address these topics to avoid excluding or marginalizing specific student groups, notably Muslims. Interestingly, a minority of teachers suggest that white students are immune to radicalization. They also expose unconscious biases concerning radicalization among religious minority students, especially Muslims, reflecting dominant discourses around radicalization and Islam. Moreover, there exists dissent regarding the necessity of addressing radicalization in schools that seemingly lack youth radicalization, mirroring a reactive discourse in preventing/countering violent extremism (P/CVE). Alarmingly, some participants report Islamophobia among their colleagues, highlighting an urgent issue that needs attention. Drawing from these insights, the study advocates for comprehensive teacher training on violent extremism and emphasizes the importance of collaboration between schools, parents, and local education ministries. It also criticizes Canada’s National Strategy on Countering Radicalization to Violence for its shortcomings and calls for a more robust and inclusive approach to P/CVE. Ultimately, the study underscores the need to integrate an ethic of care into educational practices, fostering an inclusive environment where all students feel valued and supported

Expression of LIM kinase 1 is associated with reversible G1/S phase arrest, chromosomal instability and prostate cancer

<p>Abstract</p> <p>Background</p> <p>LIM kinase 1 (LIMK1), a LIM domain containing serine/threonine kinase, modulates actin dynamics through inactivation of the actin depolymerizing protein cofilin. Recent studies have indicated an important role of LIMK1 in growth and invasion of prostate and breast cancer cells; however, the molecular mechanism whereby LIMK1 induces tumor progression is unknown. In this study, we investigated the effects of ectopic expression of LIMK1 on cellular morphology, cell cycle progression and expression profile of LIMK1 in prostate tumors.</p> <p>Results</p> <p>Ectopic expression of LIMK1 in benign prostatic hyperplasia cells (BPH), which naturally express low levels of LIMK1, resulted in appearance of abnormal mitotic spindles, multiple centrosomes and smaller chromosomal masses. Furthermore, a transient G1/S phase arrest and delayed G2/M progression was observed in BPH cells expressing LIMK1. When treated with chemotherapeutic agent Taxol, no metaphase arrest was noted in these cells. We have also noted increased nuclear staining of LIMK1 in tumors with higher Gleason Scores and incidence of metastasis.</p> <p>Conclusion</p> <p>Our results show that increased expression of LIMK1 results in chromosomal abnormalities, aberrant cell cycle progression and alteration of normal cellular response to microtubule stabilizing agent Taxol; and that LIMK1 expression may be associated with cancerous phenotype of the prostate.</p