Households’ Non-leisure Time Allocation for Children and Determinants of Child Labour in Punjab, Pakistan

Pakistan is one of those countries in Asia where incidence of child labour is very high. Children should not have to work, but the estimates of the Child Labour Survey 1996 show that there are 3.3 million working children between the ages of 5–14 years in Pakistan. Due to political, social and economic pressures, developing countries like Pakistan tend to react by enacting legislation which bans child labour. Countries which are now developed did the same thing when they successfully completed their industrialisation. Child labour is often harmful for the children, but there are situations where the alternatives to child labour may offer only deeper poverty both for the children and their families. Therefore, mishandling of this issue can make matters from bad to worse, for example, if legislation pushes children into even worse situations. The Government of Pakistan has enacted the Employment of Children Act of 1991 which has banned employment of children below the age of 14 years and their employment is now a cognisable offence under the Act punishable by imprisonment and fine.1 Such interventions can lead to reductions in the already limited choices available to the child. For example, this legislation may mean that the child can neither work nor go to school. To put it differently, this ban does not address market failures, for example, in the education market. Hence, to tackle this complex problem different policy instruments are required which address not only the aspects of market failures, but also distributional and efficiency considerations of such services. In handling the issue of child labour, the supply side factors which motivate households to allocate non-leisure time of their children can provide useful insights to address this complex problem.

Analyzing the impact of legislation on child labor in Pakistan

This paper exploits a natural experiment approach to identify the impact of legislation (Employment of Children Act 1991) in Pakistan on participation of children in the labor markets. The law prohibits employment of children less than 14 years of age in sectors other than agriculture or household enterprises. With micro-data, making use of regression discontinuity data design, the study finds some evidence that the Employment of Children Act 1991 helped in reducing the employment of children immediately after its implementation.Youth and Governance,Street Children,Children and Youth,Child Labor,Labor Policies

Households’ Non-leisure Time Allocation for Children and Determinants of Child Labour in Punjab, Pakistan

Pakistan is one of those countries in Asia where incidence of child labour is very high. Children should not have to work, but the estimates of the Child Labour Survey 1996 show that there are 3.3 million working children between the ages of 5-14 years in Pakistan. Due to political, social and economic pressures, developing countries like Pakistan tend to react by enacting legislation which bans child labour. Countries which are now developed did the same thing when they successfully completed their industrialisation. Child labour is often harmful for the children, but there are situations where the alternatives to child labour may offer only deeper poverty both for the children and their families. Therefore, mishandling of this issue can make matters from bad to worse, for example, if legislation pushes children into even worse situations. The Government of Pakistan has enacted the Employment of Children Act of 1991 which has banned employment of children below the age of 14 years and their employment is now a cognisable offence under the Act punishable by imprisonment and fine.1 Such interventions can lead to reductions in the already limited choices available to the child. For example, this legislation may mean that the child can neither work nor go to school. To put it differently, this ban does not address market failures, for example, in the education market

Toma de decisiones descentralizada en la escuela : la teoría y la evidencia sobre la administración escolar descentralizada

La administración escolar descentralizada (AED) se ha convertido en un movimiento con mucha fuerza en la última década. El Banco Mundial decidió trabajar sobre ella al surgir la necesidad de definir mejor el concepto, examinar la evidencia, apoyar evaluaciones de impacto en varios países y proveer retroalimentación a los equipos de trabajo de los proyectos. Los autores examinan con detenimiento la bibliografía existente sobre el tema, identificaron varios casos que el Banco estaba apoyando en diferentes países y presentan una guía general sobre cómo evaluar programas de AED

An analysis of the impact of labour and education laws on child labour in Pakistan during the 1990s

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Heterogeneous returns to education in the labor market

Since the development of human capital theory, countless estimates of the economic benefits of investing in education for the individual have been published. While it is a universal fact that in all countries of the world the more education one has the higher his or her earnings, it is nevertheless important to know the empirical returns to schooling. However, simply knowing average returns is not useful in a world of heterogeneity. This paper finds increasing returns going from the lower to the higher end of the earnings distribution, but with some important differences across regions. The returns increase by quantile for Latin America. The returns decrease by quantile for most East Asian countries, producing an overall equalizing effect. India and Pakistan demonstrate opposite results. In Ghana, the returns across the distribution are flat, while for Kenya and Tanzania education is dis-equalizing

Economic Crises and Returns to University Education in Middle-Income Countries: Stylized Facts and COVID-19 Projections

In this study, we develop a conceptual framework that explains the reasons behind a widening of the gaps in private rates of return to university education during an economic crisis such as COVID-19. Next, we report stylized facts on the private rates of return to university education before and after economic crises in Indonesia, Pakistan, and South Africa. We further conduct panel regression analysis to assess the statistical significance of the relationship between private returns and crises in the three countries. We conclude by speculating on COVID-19 implications and future research