A prelude to 'building back better' – how well have we tackled inequalities since the last recession

This article looks at three areas. First, we look at overall trends in a key indicator of living standards: relative poverty. Secondly, we look at the intersection between poverty and equality groups. Thirdly we look at income inequality comparisons with a wider group of countries to assess our impact against some international comparators. Facing another deep recession, and with the Scottish Government talking very prominently about wellbeing and economic renewal, what can the last ten years tell us about the probability of seeing such a change if we follow a similar approach

The economics of parenting : children and inequality in a time of shutdown

Necessary responses to the COVID-19 pandemic raise potentially harmful consequences for children’s development that can exacerbate inequality gaps and have long-reaching implications. This commentary will focus on what research can tell us about the key features of skill development and how the situations driving parental choices bear a significant role in development and inequality that are likely affected by the consequences of the pandemic. Further, effective support for parents and child development must also include intersecting factors from homes, neighbourhoods, and schools in both the research and development of policy. The primary message from the evidence base is that where inequality is high there is a much greater risk from shocks, such as the pandemic, to deepen inequality in skill development through factors in the home, neighbourhoods, and schools. It suggests that policy will not be effective through only a focus on what happens in schools but will require balancing multiple, and potentially competing, channels. Moreover, it suggests a renewed focus on reducing the prevalence of children living in low income households in order to improve attainment

Are we doing enough to address inequality?

This article looks ahead to the Scottish election in May 2021 which will take place in a world that we did not expect to find ourselves in. Many aspects of our lives have shifted since the start of 2020. There are new challenges that Covid-19 has placed upon our society. But some challenges were inherent before the crisis. Inequalities in our society remain prevalent and the pandemic has illuminated the impact that these inequalities have on people’s lives. This article explores some of the evidence on inequalities, how Covid-19 has highlighted the harm they cause, and what can be done to shift the course of poverty and inequality in our society. The pandemic may have awakened a new dialogue on what a fairer economy should look like. However, we need more than words to make that vision a reality. The response to the crisis has also shown us that seismic policy shifts are possible, and if the same level of reprioritisation was directed, post-pandemic, at tackling poverty and inequality, then it is feasible that far reaching ambitions, such as those encapsulated in Scotland’s child poverty targets, could be realised

Evidence on Scotland's Adult Social Care System for People with Learning Disabilities

The system that delivers social care and support for adults with learning disabilities in Scotland is not doing enough to enable people to live safe, secure and fulfilling lives. This is the clear finding from our analysis in this, our latest report, on adults with learning disabilities in Scotland. This is not necessarily through want of trying. The last thirty years have seen enormous changes in how people with learning disabilities are supported in society, with a shift from people living in long stay hospitals to community-based support. There have been new initiatives to improve people’s choice of care, a move to align their health and social care support, and an ambitious plan articulated by the Scottish Government that recognised that more needed to be done to help people realise their human rights

Modelling the council tax freeze in Scotland – a guide to the facts and figures

Since the council tax freeze was announced, there has been a lot of discussion about its merits (or otherwise). Along with others, at the FAI we have tried to put some numbers in the public domain to illustrate the evidence of impact of the freeze along with the postponement of the consulted change in multipliers. It is unclear what evidence factored into decision making before the freeze was announced. Given it was an announcement at Conference, civil servants should not have been involved directly. However, they will be involved now in the process of negotiation with COSLA over how councils will be compensated. In the run-up to the Scottish Budget, we can hope that civil servants are also providing robust advice to the FM and DFM to confirm this is indeed where they want to focus scarce Scottish Government resources. Evidence on the impact on changes in council tax rates or multipliers is drawn from modelled estimates. Models require assumptions and it is important to note that different estimates can result from (perfectly legitimate) changes in assumptions. Different figures may be produced by different organisations, based on their choice of assumptions. This may be disconcerting for those who want a straightforward answer, but it is unavoidable when it comes to council tax modelling for reasons we will explain. This note aims to offer additional background on recent estimates, shedding light on their production process, the reasons behind variations, and, crucially, the key insights that remain consistent, regardless of the method of calculation

Learning Disabilities and the Value of Unpaid Care

People with learning disabilities draw on different types of support to enable them to live rich and fulfilling lives. But the support given by unpaid carers is often overlooked and undervalued. We surveyed unpaid carers of adults with a learning disability and found that: ■ On average, the support delivered by each unpaid carer in our sample would have cost the taxpayer £114,000 per year to deliver equivalent care. The provision of unpaid personal care alone delivered the taxpayer an annual saving of £55,000 for each carer in our sample. ■ Total hours of unpaid care provided per day ranged from 8 to 16 hours for those cohabiting with the person they provide care for, and 5.5 to 8.5 hours for those who provide unpaid care for an adult with learning disabilities that lives elsewhere. ■ Unpaid caring roles for adults with learning disabilities differ from what might be expected. Personal care, such as support with washing, dressing and eating, comprised only part of the care delivered. Not to be overlooked is the impact of providing other essential care, such as supervision to ensure safety, assisting with leisure activities, providing transport, ordering medications, and liaising with health and social care staff. This means that the unpaid carers in our sample got little genuine downtime. ■ Caring responsibilities limit unpaid carers’ opportunity to earn income through employment, leaving them more reliant on the social security system for support, which is often insufficient. Just over half the unpaid carers in our sample had household income below or around the poverty line. ■ The unpaid carers in our sample generally scored far lower than the national average on wellbeing measures. This was particularly notable for measures of loneliness and burnout. ■ Because learning disabilities are by definition lifelong, the impact of caring responsibilities for family members (especially parents) can differ from other caring roles, such as caring for an elderly relative. The lifelong caring commitment creates a loss of agency and limits the long term choices unpaid carers can make. ■ When asked for their priorities for better support, all but one of the unpaid carers in our sample wanted more respite and services for the person they care for. This points to a social care system that is not doing enough to support people with learning disabilities and their families. ■ During the Covid-19 pandemic, unpaid carers have filled in the gaps left by the care system, leaving many exhausted. None of the unpaid carers in our sample have seen support return to pre-pandemic levels, even as Scotland moves “beyond level 0”. With no clear plan for a return to normality, unpaid carers are facing an uncertain future. The findings in this report demonstrate the vital role that unpaid carers of adults with a learning disability play, but also the pressure that is placed on them due to a lack of support from society’s network of support systems. It is clear that the status quo is not sustainable. Support needs are likely to increase for adults with learning disabilities and unpaid carers. As we emerge from the pandemic and begin a new parliament, many will be looking to policy makers for a deliverable plan to meet those needs

Rehabilitating Scotland : Exploring the Impact of Mentoring-based Throughcare

In recent years, a pressing issue for both the UK and Scottish Governments has been the steadily increasing prison population and, in particular, the rise in the male prison population. In Scotland, whilst there are a number of factors that play into high prison populations, one of the reasons is the relatively high reoffending rate. In 2019 28.3% of individuals sentenced were reconvicted within a year of their original sentence. This rate has been relatively flat since the late 1990s. There is, therefore, strong interest in understanding the extent to which the right support and interventions, including adequate throughcare upon release from prison, can break a cycle of reoffending. The main aim of the New Routes programme is to reduce reoffending in Scotland by supporting individuals to reintegrate into their communities beyond their prison sentence and build a sustainable future through inclusion in society. The scheme provides mentoring and support six months pre-release and post-release from prison

The policy response to Coronavirus : theory and application

In order to guard against and mitigate the potential economic impacts of the pandemic, different policies have been implemented by the UK government and the Bank of England. In this report we aim to look at the rationale behind the implementation of both fiscal and monetary policies and what the potential consequences would have been in their absence. We look at three main levers: conventional monetary policy, unconventional monetary policy and fiscal policy. For each we review the theory before setting this into context. There have been constraints on policymakers’ ability to implement some of these levers due to the macroeconomic situation prior to the pandemic, particularly with respect to conventional monetary policy where interest rates were already close to their effective lower bound. Unconventional monetary policy has continued in the form of quantitative easing, with some new tools being used during this pandemic and hints that so far unused methods, such as negative interest rates, are being considered. Fiscal policy has been where the most inventive and far-reaching policies have been found, with extremely high expenditure permitted by very low borrowing rates faced by government, partly itself enabled by the supportive actions of the Bank of England. This article describes some of the key policy changes that we have seen over the past year and attempts to provide a good basis to understand the rationale for the policy choices, underpinned by economic theory. This article does not gauge success (or otherwise) of specific policies but is intended as a record of events with explanations of the reasoning behind them

Inclusive Growth in Northern Ireland

The purpose of this report is to determine the scope for an inclusive growth agenda in Northern Ireland. It will seek to review literature on inclusive growth and, with reference to other countries' approaches to inclusive growth, highlight the options available to Northern Ireland. The aim is to help inform the work of the Northern Ireland Department for the Economy (DfE) and provide evidence that will help formulate an inclusive growth economy strategy in Northern Ireland. The report does not prescribe the exact form that inclusive growth policy should take in Northern Ireland but offers recommendations on the process that DfE and its partners should consider if it chooses to build a full strategy

Epilepsy and Employment : a Scoping Exercise for Epilepsy Scotland

Epilepsy is one of the most common neurological conditions around the world, affecting an estimated 50 million people (WHO, 2019). Labour market data shows that people with epilepsy experience disadvantage in employment and underemployment. Inconsistencies and gaps in the data available on epilepsy and employment, however, make unclear the extent and scope of this disadvantage. Employment is an important component of social inclusion. It provides individual purpose and a platform for membership and identity (Jahoda, 1982). It provides integration into and acceptance by others in society (Baker, 2005). Employment and good quality work are associated with wellbeing (Stanley and Tiltson in Jacoby, 1995). It is as important, and arguably more so (Ben et al, 2021) for people with epilepsy who are more likely than the labour force more generally to have experienced years of disadvantage in accessing this important component of quality of life (Smeets et al, 2007). The purpose of this report is to review and update discussion of epilepsy and employment. The review seeks to identity relevant data and data gaps as well as to highlight the forms of support and intervention that can improve employment opportunities and work experience for people with epilepsy. It focuses on the extent of existing disadvantage they face and the factors that contribute to or alleviate this disadvantage. While the purpose of the review is to consider epilepsy and employment in Scotland, there are significant challenges in obtaining relevant Scottish data. Therefore, this report draws mainly on UK data but where possible focusses on implications for Scotland