13 research outputs found

    What minimum wage? Why enforcement of EU migrants’ employment rights matters

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    EU migrants nominally enjoy the same employment rights as Britons. Yet (left to right) Catherine Barnard, Amy Ludlow and Sarah Fraser Butlin of the EU Migrant Worker Project found that they are often ignorant of the minimum wage and the Working Time Directive and do not pursue claims in Employment Tribunals. In this they are sometimes aided and abetted by exploitative employers who are willing to use them to undercut the wages of UK staff. They also found that enforcement of employment rights in the UK is, at best, patchy

    Long read: how to deploy the emergency brake to manage migration

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    Freedom of movement is one of the 'red lines' that preclude Britain's continuing membership of the Single Market: the PM believes the referendum was a clear rejection of the principle. But could the UK deploy an 'emergency brake' at regional (rather than national) level to help manage EU migration and thereby qualify for European Economic Area membership? Catherine Barnard and Sarah Fraser Butlin (University of Cambridge) look at how it might be possible to allay Leavers’ fears

    Clinical negligence and Article 8 – pushing the boundaries?

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    THE CJEU CONFUSED OVER RELIGION

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    Worker Status and Vicarious Liability: The Need for Coherence

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    Beyond Employment Tribunals: Enforcement of Employment Rights by EU-8 Migrant Workers

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    Abstract Many EU-8 migrant workers work in low-skilled, low-paid jobs, particularly in sectors such as food processing and agriculture. Our interest lies in the experience of those migrant workers in the UK and specifically what happens when they are denied their employment rights. In earlier work, we have already shown that there was a significant underuse by EU-8 migrant workers of Employment Tribunals (ETs). So the questions for this article are three-fold. First, why do so few EU-8 migrant workers enforce their employment rights before ETs and to what extent do legal, economic, political and cultural landscapes, as they are experienced by migrant workers, constrain or enable enforcement action? Second, if migrant workers do not resort to ETs, what do they do? Do they simply move on, or do they use alternative enforcement mechanisms (such as the Gangmasters’ Licensing Authority)? How effective are these other enforcement processes and institutions in protecting the rights of migrant and similarly vulnerable domestic workers? And third, what might be done to improve the enforcement of employment rights for EU-8 migrant workers and for other vulnerable workers on the UK labour market, including non-EU migrants, especially in the light of the new labour market enforcement agency (LMEA)? We argue that the establishment of a Pay and Work Rights Ombudsman might help address some of the problems experienced by EU-8 migrant workers and other vulnerable national workers.</jats:p
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