Borel singularities at small x

D.I.S. at small Bjorken $x$ is considered within the dipole cascade formalism. The running coupling in impact parameter space is introduced in order to parametrize effects that arise from emission of large size dipoles. This results in a new evolution equation for the dipole cascade. Strong coupling effects are analyzed after transforming the evolution equation in Borel ($b$) space. The Borel singularities of the solution are discussed first for the universal part of the dipole cascade and then for the specific process of D.I.S. at small $x$. In the latter case the leading infrared renormalon is at $b=1/\beta_0$ indicating the presence of $1/Q^2$ power corrections for the small-$x$ structure functions.Comment: 5 pages, Latex (Talk presented at DIS'97, Chicago, IL

International aid to southern Europe in the early post-war period: The cases of Greece and Italy

After the Second World War, both Greece and Italy experienced a Left-Right political polarization and a reproduction of earlier patterns of political patronage. Both Italy and Greece received international aid, including emergency relief, interim loans, and Marshall Plan funds. By the beginning of the 1950s, the Italian economy had recovered better from war destruction and had achieved industrial growth faster than Greece. Italy progressed quite rapidly from stabilization to reconstruction, and then on to development, while Greece progressed with reconstruction, but did not achieve stabilization until after the end of the Marshall Plan. Italy and Greece were obviously different with regard to population and market size, but the outcome of the foreign aid they received, differed in the two countries. This paper suggests that the different outcome is explained by historical legacies and conjunctures, as well as series of institutional, cultural, and political factors. Greece underwent a disastrous Nazi occupation (1941-44) and the destructive Civil War (1946-49) of which Italy was spared. The Italian public sector was endowed with state agencies steering economic development, which the Greek public sector lacked until the early 1950s. Italian elections resulted in more stable governments, led by the Christian Democratic Party, which followed their own policy choices, often deviating from the donors' policy preference. This was a pattern absent from the long sequence of unstable and internally fragmented Greek governments. The Italian governing elites relied on a social alliance of middle and upper classes, while in Greece the corresponding classes distrusted the government, and resisted government policies. Finally, an economic culture fostering heavy industrialization, in the context of pragmatist liberal economic policies, was present in Italy, but absent in Greece

The Interest of Large-t Elastic Scattering

Existing data for large-$t$ $pp$ elastic-scattering differential cross-sections are energy-independent and behave as $t^{-8}$. This has been explained in terms of triple-gluon exchange, or alternatively through triple-singlet exchange. A discussion is given of the problems raised by each of these explanations, and of the possibility that at RHIC or LHC energies the exchange of three BFKL pomerons might result in a rapid rise with energy.Comment: 6 pages, plain tex, 3 figures embedded with eps

Guided Elastic Waves in Pre-Stressed Solids for the Ultrasonic Characterization of Interfacial Zones

Towards a mechanical dynamic characterization of pre-stressed layered solids and a non-destructive ultrasonic evaluation of their interfacial bonds, it is necessary to examine the propagation of elastic interfacial waves along planar boundaries between finitely pre-strained incompressible solids. The effect of pre-stress on the propagation of Stoneley waves was first examined in [1,2] for two half-spaces of the same incompressible neo-hookean material subjected to different homogeneous pre-strains of common principal axes. In [3] propagation of Stoneley waves along a common principal axis of pre-strain of the two half-spaces which were taken as different incompressible materials having arbitrary strain energy functions was considered. The effect of pre-stress on Rayleigh waves was first studied in [4]. In [5] results were obtained for more general pre-stress conditions on an incompressible half-space of arbitrary strain energy function

Korupcija, antikorupcija i demokracija na Zapadnom Balkanu

The article discusses corruption, anticorruption and democracy in the Western Balkans, with an emphasis on FYR Macedonia, Montenegro and (less so) Serbia. The article does not advance a claim that its conclusions are valid for all West Balkan democracies. The main question is the following: what the political functions of corruption are (beyond its economic functions) and how corruption serves in reproducing the same elites in power. The research presented in the article shows that high-level or grand political corruption in FYR Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia, is something larger than a side-benefit of exercising government authority. Such corruption is one of the several means which an elite purposefully uses to stay in power, that was originally attained by winning democratic elections. Furthermore, anticorruption mechanisms are often used with a sole purpose to discredit political opponents, especially those in the opposition. Democracy in the Western Balkans is, thus, distorted in obvious, but also in less obvious ways.U članku se razmatraju korupcija, antikorupcija i demokracija na Zapadnom Balkanu s naglaskom na Makedoniju, Crnu Goru i manjim dijelom na Srbiju. Zaključci članka ne vrijede nužno za sve demokracije Zapadnog Balkana. Glavna istraživačka pitanja su slijedeća: koje su političke funkcije korupcije (pored ekonomskih dobitaka) i kako korupcija služi za reproduciranje istih elita na vlasti. Istraživanje prikazano u članku pokazuje da je korupcija na najvišim razinama vlasti u Makedoniji, Crnoj Gori i Srbiji ipak nešto više nego popratna ekonomska dobit od vršenja vlasti. Takva je korupcija sredstvo koje elite koriste kako bi zadržale vlast koju su izvorno dobile na demokratskim izborima. Nadalje, antikorupcijski mehanizmi se zapravo često koriste kako bi se diskreditirali politički protivnici u opoziciji. Demokracija na Zapadnom Balkanu je tako iskrivljena na očite, ali i na manje očite načine

Book Review of "Greece's Horizons: Reflecting the Country's Assets and Capabilities"

In their concise introduction, the two editors of this volume point not only to the causes of the crisis in Greece but also to the immense efforts the country made in 2010-2012 to recover

Greek MPs pro European but weary of European institutions

Syriza, a radical left party critical of the functioning of the EU institutions, won the Greek parliamentary elections of 25 January 2015 and formed a government coalition with the smaller right-wing eurosceptic party of Independent Greeks (ANEL). Does this mean that Greek political elites are hostile to the EU? The answer to this question is obviously affected by the context of the Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs) and loan agreements signed in 2010 and 2012 between Greece and its creditors, when Greece was on the brink of default. The ways in which Greek MPs perceive the EU were the topic of our attitudinal survey research, supported by the Hellenic Observatory, among Greek MPs. Our survey was conducted in April – October 2014 and involved face-to-face interviews with 74 MPs (25 per cent of the total) who were randomly sampled and came from all Greek parties except for the communist party (the KKE traditionally refuses interviews). The survey is topical, as before the elections the Syriza and ANEL parties had taken a strong anti-Memorandum stand which they will try to implement as government partners, while the centre-right New Democracy (ND) and the centre-left Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK), which were together in power in 2011-2014, had followed pro-Memorandum policies

What Greek political elites think about Europe and the crisis?: an exploratory analysis

In this paper the views of a sample of 74 Greek Members of Parliament (MPs) on European integration and the handling of the economic crisis by the EU are discussed and interpreted. The survey of MPs, which was conducted in 2014, is a replication of a comparable study conducted in 2007. Greek MPs continue to be attached to Europe, but evaluate negatively EU’s institutions’ role during the economic crisis. Overall, three groups of parliamentarians, namely pro-government MPs, parliamentarians self-placed at the centre of the left-right spectrum and more experienced MPs, tended to have more pro-European views and attitudes than MPs of the opposition, left-wing MPs and less experienced MPs. The dominant dimension of conflict for Greek political elites is the issue of the Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs). The SYRIZA-ANEL government that was formed after the January 2015 elections was not a surprise given the close proximity of these two parties on their stance towards the MoUs and the EU

The crisis in Greece: the semi-rentier state hypothesis

This article offers an alternative explanation of the ‘Greek crisis’ by using the rentier-state theory. Past explanations referred to domestic pitfalls of the Greek economic development or to external constraints such as the incomplete architecture of the Eurozone. Without rejecting these interpretations, we offer a complementary interpretation underlining the facility and large scale with which external funds have flowed into Greece. This pattern was reminiscent of cases of resource-rich countries of the developing world and have created a semi-rentier state. External resources have spread a ‘rentier mentality’ among state actors and a ‘get-rich-quick mentality’ among business entrepreneurs and interest groups. Political decisions were characterised by riskaverse attitudes, while private actors spent their energy in seeking political protection rather than in initiating new enterprises. Three factors that played a significant role in shaping the Greek crisis and continue to plague Greece are foreign loans, EU funds and tax evasion

Europe at the Epicenter of National Politics: The Attitudes of Greek Political Elites Towards the European Union and the Economic Crisis

This article presents new research on the Europeanness of Greek political elites under the economic crisis. It registers the views of a sample of 74 Greek Members of Parliament (MPs) on European integration and the handling of the economic crisis by the European Union (EU). The ENEC survey, which was conducted in 2014, shows that Greek MPs continue to be attached to Europe, but evaluate negatively the role of EU’s institutions during the economic crisis. They mostly view European integration positively, but are skeptical about the representativeness of EU organs. There is a discernible set of “core attitudes” which constitute the Europeanness of Greek MPs, but there is also a set of issues on which MPs are clearly divided. The dominant dimension of conflict within Greek political elites is the issue of economic austerity packages, i.e., the Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs), as since 2010 EU’s management of the crisis has become the epicenter of Greece’s domestic politics. The two party, SYRIZA-ANEL coalition government that was formed after the January 2015 elections was not a surprise given the close proximity of these two parties on their stance towards the MoUs and the EU