Asymmetrical Inter-Korean Relation, Changes in Unification Attitude and New Approach For Social Security

이 글은 탈냉전과 세계화로 인한 남북관계의 질적 전환과 불안정성의 심 화로 인해 향후 한반도의 질서에 큰 변화가 초래될 전환기적 국면이 다가오고 있다는 전제하에, 이에 대처하기 위해 어떤 대응이 필요할지를 특히 복합적 사회안보의 차원에서 검토한 것이다. 크게 세 가지 측면이 다루어지고 있다. 첫째는 냉전기의 남북관계가 주로 적대적 균형에 기초한 것이었는데 비해 현재는 여러 측면에서 비대칭적 남북관계가 심화되고 있다는 점, 또 그로 인한 불안정성과 불균형성이 커지고 있다는 점을 강조한다. 둘째로는 이런 현실의 반영으로서 국민들의 통일에 대한 의식에 의미있는 변화가 나타나고 있는 바, 특히 북한에 대한 양면적이면서도 현실주의적인 태도가 일관되게 확인되고 있음에 주목하고 있다. 마지막으로는 이런 상황을 고려할 때 한국 에서의 안보개념은 전통적인 의미에서의 대북경계 내지 분단관리 차원을 넘어서 평화를 위한 안보, 통일을 향한 안보, 그리고 복합적 사회안보의 차원들 을 포용해야 할 것임을 강조하고 있다.This paper aims at exploring the changes in inter-Korean relation from the perspectives of instability and transformation. The paper argues that forthcoming decades will be a critical period during which very important socio-political changes for deciding future order in the Korean peninsula can be made. To prepare the system capacity which could help peace and unification in the Korean peninsula, three points deserves consideration; first, the contemporary inter-Korean relation is changing from a symmetrical confrontation to an asymmetrical regime which is characterized by the diverse differences and gaps between South and North Korea; second, ordinary citizens attitude on North Korea and unification issues is changing from monolistic-nationalistic one to diverse-multicultural one; finally the idea of national security needs to change from the conventional one to a more comprehensive approach for peace, unification, and complex social security

The Inter‐Korean Relationship and the Concept of the Asymmetrical Divided State System

This paper aims at conceptualizing contemporary inter-Korean relations by focusing on the idea of a special relationship constituted temporarily in the process of unification which was expressed in the 1992 Agreement on Reconciliation, Non-aggression, and Exchanges and Cooperation Between South and North Korea (The Basic Agreement). The idea was designed to accommodate the contradictory conditions that exist between the two Koreas – two different political communities with hostile ideologies and institutions – while they try to achieve unification. The definition of special relationship constituted temporarily in the process of unification has been used as a basic principle to manage inter-Korean relations during the last decade. It has allowed the political flexibility which was necessary to find a contact point somewhere between the hostile conditions and nationalistic hope. Thus, understanding the contradictions between political community and cultural nationality is very important in theory as well as in practice. This paper, however argues that a social dimension needs to be added in explaining the special requirements of inter-Korean relations. Aside from the political and national realms, the social realm consisting of the diverse activities of voluntary associations, such as NGOs and corporations, should be considered. Over the last decade the social dimension has developed sufficiently to constitute a special relationship that can exist separately from the political bargaining and national homogeneity. To understand the complex relations between South and North Korea, this paper suggests the concept of the asymmetrical divided-state system. The idea of a divided state can explain the contradictory conditions that exist within the temporary states of the two Koreas. The word system is needed to explain the international context in which multilateral influences are exerted upon the two Koreas under the current armistice regime. Finally, the world asymmetrical conceptualizes the difference and diversity between the two Koreas social aspects like economy and civil participation. In summary, the new concept of the asymmetrical divided-state system is a useful construct to capture the complex and specific nature of inter-Korean relations

Phenomena and Images - the Measurement and Analysis of North Korean Images

이 연구는 한국인의 대북태도나 정책지향, 그로 인한 남남갈등이 어느 정도 북한에 대 한 집단적 이미지로 설명할 수 있는지를 경험적으로 검증함으로써 이미지의 영향력을 이 론적으로 설명하고 남남갈등의 해소에 기여함으로써 남북관계의 진전에 학문적으로 기 여하고자 하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 볼딩은 이미지를 주관적인 지식(subjective knowledge) 으로 정의했다(Boulding 1956, 5~6). 이 주관적인 지식으로서의 이미지는 과거 경험의 결과로 형성되고 구성되지만, 결코 고정적이거나 항구 불변하는 것은 아니다. 볼딩은 오 히려 이미지가 사회가 끊임없이 상호작용하며 서로에게 영향을 주는 것으로 보았다. 즉, 이미지가 사회를 만들뿐만 아니라, 사회도 계속 이미지를 재생산한다(Boulding 1956, 64). 이러한 볼딩의 논의를 계승한 허먼의 이미지 이론(image theory)은 본격적으로 이 미지를 분류하고 정량적으로 측정하려고 시도했다. 본 연구에서는 한국 성인남녀 823명 에 대한 일대일 면접조사 결과를 바탕으로, 북한에 대해 한국인들이 갖고 있는 이미지들 을 유형화하고 그 각각의 특징을 정리하였다.This study aims to empirically analyze how South Koreans attitude toward North Korea or North Korean policy orientation, and the South-South conflicts could be influenced by North Korean Images. Boulding defines images as subjective Knowledge (1956, 5~6). Images as subjective knowledge are formed and constructed through past experiences. but that does not mean that images are unchangeable. Rather, Boulding states that images and society influence each other in continuous interactions. Hermann, who inherits Bouldings image theory, tries to categorize international Image by quantitatively measuring them. Based on Hermanns image theory, this study analyzes various types of North Korean images on South Korean citizens mind

Collective Memory and Symbolization of the Past : Cultural Meaning of the Nam-San in Modern Korea

이 연구는 특정한 사건이나 공간에 대한 사회적 기념행위를 과거 역사에 대한 집합적 해석의 일환으로 파악함으로써 문화적인 형식 속에 나타나는 기억의 구성성을 드러내고자 한다. 과거를 재구성하고 현재 속에 보존하는 방식의 일환으로 역사서술과 함께 사회적 기념행위가 주목되고 있다. 특히 근대국가의 수립과정에서 집합적 정체성의 확립, 정치적 정당성의 형성과 관련하여 과거에 대한 해석의 중요성이 강도되었고 사회적 기념행위의 정치적 역할도 매우 강조되었다. 이 글은 남산이라는 공간에 부여되었던 정치적 상징성이 시기적으로 변모해온 과정을 검토함으로써 한국의 근현대사와 기억의 사회적 구성을 연결시켜 보려는 작업이다. 이 글은 정치적 상징성을 지닌 공간이나 기념물들에 대한 분석을 통해 역사적 변화의 의미를 새롭게 검토할 수 있는 가능성을 보여주었다. 또한 과거의 상징화 작업이 얼마나 권력관계에 의해 좌우될 수 있는 것인지, 나아가 해방 후 탈식민화 과정이 얼마나 불철저하게, 지배논리와 반공이데올로기에 의해 영향을 입었는지를 보여준다. This study of political symbolization of Nam-san tries to show relationship between social remembrance and collective memory in modern Korea. Declaring independence of Daehan Empire, Chosun dynasty came to know importance of political symbolization to enhance collective identity of the people. Some new memorial sites were elected near Namsan, where quasi-religious rituals of Chosun Dynasty had been done for a long time. Especially Changchungdan was designed to remember those who had dedicated their lives for the country during Tonghak Peasant War in 1894 and Assassination of King's wife by Japanese military in 1895. Its political function seemed to be similar to that of the National Cemetery in a modern state. With colonization, however, Namsan changed as a symbolic site for Japanese Empire. It became an imperial place where Japanese residence, colonial institutions and Shinto shrine were combined together to show the strength of Japanese colonialism. After liberation in 1941, the political symbol of Namsan changed once again. A plan of building a monument for national liberation at the site of demolished Shinto shrine was prepared by several political leaders. However, the political division between left and right and social turmoil hindered a well-designed reconstitution of cultural symbol of Namsan. Also with the emergence of division states in South and North, authoritarianism and anti-communism were strongly combined with the space of Namsan. Namsan, as a site of social memory, shows the difficulty of decolonization and the complexity of state-building process in modern Korea

Properties of outward K current and its redox modulation in pulmonary arterial smooth muscle cells of the rabbit

학위논문(박사)--서울대학교 대학원 :의학과 생리학전공,1996.Docto

한국 내셔널 담론의 의미구조와 정치적 지향

This paper aims to explain the complex meaning of "the national" in contemporary South Korea. The main argument is that the national discourse in Korea is so complex that "the national" should be differentiated into three concepts; kukmin, minjok and hankukin, Kukmin is used to identify the Republic of Korea as a nation (for example national income is usually expressed as "kukmin income"). Minjok is used to express both South and North Korea as a historically and culturally homogeneous community (for example "national unification" is said as "minjok unification"). Finally hankukin is used to mention ethnic Koreans without relation to any specific political community. Three factors are examined for the differentiation of "the national" : development of the stateness in South Korea, cultural nationalism and globalization. Due to the strenthening of the stateness since democratization and industrializaion, the kukmin identity is growing rapidly in recent Korea. At the same time, there is still a strong sense of commonness between South and North Korea based on the minjok identity. Finally globalization brings about multi-ethnic and multi-national phenomena in Korea, which makes Koreans sensitive to the ethnic identity. In conclusion, "the national" needs to be explained contextually in order to understand its historical specificity