AMBLOSES- A TACITLY ALLOWED ACT OR/AND FELONY IN GREEK POLIS?

U novije vrijeme pozornost javnosti ponovo izaziva pitanje pravne regulacije abortusa, odnosno dopustivosti postupka prekida trudnoće na zahtjev. No, gubi se iz vida da bi pristup rješavanju ovog pitanja trebao biti više od zastupanja stava „pro“ ili „contra“ te da je nužno sagledavanje sa različitih aspekata, uključujući dakako i pravnopovijesni. Naime, načini na koji su različiti pravni sustavi kroz povijest regulirali postupak prekida trudnoće, ili kako su onovremene zajednice gledale na ovaj postupak, može pridonijeti cjelovitijem sagledavanju tog pitanja u suvremenim okolnostima. Uzimajući u obzir činjenicu da su moderna društva demokratska, pošli smo od njihova uzora iz svijeta antičke grčke i mjesta nastanka demokratskog uređenja – atenskog polisa. U atenskom polisu je pitanje abortusa također izazivalo interes, no kako je pripadalo sferi intimnog obiteljskog života, te još više intimnog života žena, taj interes nije prelazio određene granice. Stav zajednice o abortusu bio je prešutno permisivan, a sam postupak nije bio kazneno djelo, no mogao je izazvati sudske postupke vezane za druga pravna pitanja poput onog vezanog za nasljedno pravo. Ipak, unatoč stavu zajednice i činjenici da nije bio kazneno djelo mnogi izvori ukazuju da se na taj postupak nije gledalo blagonaklono niti se na njega poticalo. I filozofski mislioci koji su ga sagledavali kao političko sredstvo kontrole broja stanovnika razmišljali su o određenim ograničenjima.Recently, public attention is again challenged by the legal issue of abortion regulation, ie the permissibility of pregnancy termination claim. However, it goes without saying that approach to solving this issue should be addressed more than representing the stand “pro” or “contra”and that it is necessary to look at diff erent aspects, including the legally historic one. Namely, the ways in which different legal systems through history regulated the procedure of pregnancy termination, or as the communities looked at this process then, can contribute more fully to contemplate this issue in contemporary circumstances. Considering the fact that modern societies are democratic, we have come from their exemplars from the world of ancient Greece and the place of the emergence of democratic organization -Athenian polis. In the Athenian polis, the question of abortion also provoked interest, but since it belonged to the sphere of intimate family life, and even more intimate life of women, that interest did not exceed certain limits.The attitude of the community about abortion was tacitly permissible, and the procedure itself was not a felony, but it could have caused judicial proceedings related to the other legal issues such as those related to inheritance law. Still, despite the attitude of communities and the fact that it was not a criminal off ense many sources point that the proceedure was not looked favourably or encouragingly. Philosophical thinkers who saw it as a political means to control the number of residents thought about certain restrictions

Athenian Polis Tax Policy and the Question of Eisphora and Liturgies

Atenska se državna blagajna punila na razne načine i raznim sredstvima da bi prikupljena sredstva mogla biti utrošena za javne potrebe. Dio sredstava potjecao je od poreznih davanja, ali atenski polis nije imao opću poreznu obvezu, a postojeći su porezi manje donosili u njezinu blagajnu od davanja koja su bila dobrovoljna, povremena i često izdašna. Suvremena poreznog platca to može zbuniti do te mjere da najvažnijemu ratnom prinosu „eisphori“ te liturgijama pripiše svojstva poreza. Čini to većina autora, no smatramo da za to nema potrebe. Upravo suprotno, to što „eisphora“ i liturgije nisu porezi, od posebna je značenja za pravu sliku atenskog društva i demokraciju u kojoj oni kojima je polis najviše omogućio podnose teret i za one kojima to polis ili nije omogućio ili nisu bili za to predodređeni po svojim sposobnostima.The state treasury of Athens was filled in various ways and with various means so that the collected funds could be spent for public needs. Some of the funds came from taxes, but the Athenian polis did not have a general tax liability, and the existing taxes brought less to its treasury than voluntary, occasional, and often generous donations. This may be so confusing to the modern tax payer that he could mistakenly attribute the tax status to the most important war contribution of “eisphora”. In this respect we disagree with most authors on the subject. The fact that “eisphora” and the liturgies are not taxes is a matter of special importance for the true image of the Athenian society and democracy in which those who profited most from the polis carried the burden for those who profited less due to unfavourable circumstances or their own inadequate abilities

Die Familie im demokratischen Athen – Institution und Polis im Kleinen

U ovom radu autorica će nastojati prikazati obitelj u atenskom polisu od 6. do 4. st. pr. n. e. kao jednu od institucija značajnih za razvoj ne samo uređenja koje je do danas ostalo iskustveni uzor već cjelokupnog napretka atenskog društva unutar i izvan njegovih granica. Kroz objašnjenje pojma oikos koji uz članove obitelji podrazumijeva i robove i imovinu te kroz prava i obveze članova obitelji, autorica, ne ulazeći posebno u institute kao što su brak ili razvod, prikazuje obitelj kao društveni subjekt s čvršćim i određenijim vezama od onih preko kojih funkcionira polis.In respect of the development of the society and reputation of Athens, but also according to its organization, it may be said that the Athenian family stands by the side of the institutions through which demos began to speak. But as distinct from them, the Athenian family also has an additional role in society as one of the economic factors. The whole family, as well as all its members, are primarily a part of the collective and they should act in its interest. Thus good relationships within the family, honour and morality of their members, that is, acting in accordance with social expectations, but also the material goods produced in the household for the needs of its members or as a surplus for trade, were threads which made the Athenian polis (until Macedonian conquests) invincible. The family contributes to the development of society as a community in which each individual has his or her place determined by custom. Women, although deprived of their rights (also) in public life, manage the household and slaves and bring up children, and thus they are, although (also) politically excluded, a significant factor of the Athenian democratic splendour as members of the family. Of course, this splendour partly rests on the labour of slaves whose position can be nevertheless considered humane in comparison with, for instance, the Spartan one, and by which the Athenian society will get the social attribute. The paterfamilias, the so-called kyrios, seems to be a natural representative of the family and its members in the world which respects traditional values. As such he represents his wife, children and slaves, but everybody can also accuse him of bad relationships in the family. In spite of power over the members of the family, their treatment is a part of moral character upon which the election to government bodies and participation in public life depends. Connection among members of the family are strong and the family acts outwardly as one person. It is oneness more than polis because it enables it a smaller number of members and the emotional component which is implied by the relations in the family. Therefore, probably, it has outlived the other Athenian institutions.Betrachtet man ihre Bedeutung für die gesellschaftliche Entwicklung und das Ansehen Athens, aber auch ihre Organisation, kann die athenische Familie vom 6. bis 4. Jh. v. Chr. als den Institutionen, durch die der Demos sich zu Wort meldete, ebenbürtig bezeichnet werden. Im Gegensatz zu diesen spielt die athenische Familie aber zusätzlich eine Rolle als Wirtschaftsfaktor in der Gesellschaft. Die Gesamtfamilie wie auch ihre einzelnen Mitglieder sind vor allem Teil eines Kollektivs und sollen in dessen Interesse handeln. Gute familiäre Beziehungen, Ehre und Moral der Familienmitglieder, d.h. ihr mit den gesellschaftlichen Erwartungen im Einklang stehendes Handeln, aber auch die im Familienverbund für die eigenen Bedürfnisse oder auch als Überschuss für den Handel hergestellten materiellen Güter bilden ein Geflecht, das die athenische Polis bis zu den makedonischen Eroberungen unbesiegbar machte. Als Gemeinschaft, in der jeder Einzelne seinen gewohnheitsmäßig bestimmten Platz hat, leistet die Familie einen Beitrag zum gesellschaftlichen Fortschritt. Obwohl (auch) im öffentlichen Leben entrechtet, verwalten die Frauen Haushalt und Sklawen, erziehen die Kinder und stellen so trotz ihrer (auch) politischen Ausgeschlossenheit einen wesentlichen Faktor des Glanzes der athenischen Demokratie dar. Natürlich beruht dieser Glanz zu einem gehörigen Teil auf der Arbeit der Sklawen, deren Lage im Vergleich zu der in Sparta wiederum als einigermaßen human bezeichnet werden kann und somit der athenischen Gesellschaft das Attribut einer sozialen Gesellschaft verleiht. Der Familienvater, der kyrios, tritt als natürlicher Vertreter der Familie und ihrer Angehörigen gegenüber einer Welt in Erscheinung, die traditionelle Werte hoch achtet. Als solcher vertritt er die Frau, Kinder und Sklawen, kann aber auch von jedermann wegen schlechter Beziehungen in der Familie vor Gericht gebracht werden. Trotz der Gewalt, die er über die Familienmitglieder hat, bestimmt es sein moralisches Ansehen, wie er sie behandelt, und auch seine Wahl in die Organe des Staates und die Beteiligung am öffentlichen Leben hängen davon ab. Die Beziehungen zwischen den Familienmitgliedern sind eng, und die Familie tritt nach außen als eine Person auf. Sie bildet in höherem Maße eine Einheit als die Polis, was auf der geringeren Anzahl der Mitglieder und der emotionalen Komponente beruht, die bei familiären Beziehungen vorausgesetzt werden kann. Das dürfte auch der Grund sein, warum sie die übrigen athenischen Institutionen überlebt hat

The position of women in terms of family law in France between 1789 and 1816 with an analysis of the Code Civil of 1804 - the issue of the basis for building contemporary family law regulations

Rad istražuje dosege obiteljskopravne regulative u Francuskoj nakon 1789. godine navodeći novine u Zakonu o braku i obitelji iz 1792. te analizirajući tekst Code civila koji je donesen 1804. godine kada je duh revolucije bio već toliko ublažen da su se prirodna prava tumačila prema potrebama očuvanja društvenog poretka. U usporedbama ovih zakona često se zaboravlja na društvene uvjete i niz čimbenika koji utječu na odnose u obitelji i položaj žene. Tako se stječe dojam da je Zakon iz 1792. napredan, a da su dosezi Code civila u tom području povratak na staro te u cjelini čine loš temelj za razvoj prava žena. Istina je u sredini, to više što se ocjena utjecaja na razvoj tzv. “ženskih prava” ne može dati u cjelini već kroz pojedine institute i njihovo stavljanje u kontekst društva koje do Treće Republike trpi stalne promjene vlasti.The paper explores the scope of family law regulations in France after 1789, outlining the novelties of the 1972 law regulating marriage and the family, and analysing the text of the Code Civil, adopted in 1804, when the spirit of the Revolution had become diluted to the extent that natural rights were interpreted in accordance with the need to preserve the social order. In comparing these two laws one often forgets about the social conditions and a series of other factors affecting family relations and the position of women. One can thus gain the impression that the 1792 law is progressive, and that the scope of the Code Civil in this area is merely a return to the former situation, which makes for a poor basis for the development of women\u27s rights. The truth lies in the middle, especially when taken into account that it is impossible to make an assessment of the impact on the development of the so-called “women\u27s rights” in a comprehensive manner, but only by studying individual institutes and considering how they are placed in the context of the society which continues to undergo constant changes of government until the Third Republic

L’ABORTO NEL SISTEMA GIURIDICO DELL’URSS DAL 1920 AL 1991 LEGALIZZAZIONE E CRIMINALIZZAZIONE

Model SSSR-a primjer je dvojake pravne regulacije abortusa te model za istraživanje učinaka i posljedica kako legalizacije tako kriminalizacije. Naime, nakon Oktobarske revolucije 1920. vlasti RSFSR-a legalizirale su abortus. Legalizacija je bila dijelom rješavanja „ženskog pitanja“ i društvenog izjednačavanja žena i muškaraca, ali društvo s nagomilanim problemima i gladnim stanovništvom nije imalo ni dovoljno političke volje ni gospodarsku osnovu da to pitanje riješi. „Babki“ su i dalje izvodile ilegalne abortuse, posebice u provincijskim sredinama, udaljenim od velikih gradskih ovlaštenih zdravstvenih ustanova. Ipak, smrtnost žena je smanjena. Sa Staljinovom vlašću i politikom koja je povećanjem nataliteta trebala osigurati radnu snagu te tako potaknuti industrijalizaciju abortus je 1936. zabranjen. Određene su kazne kako za one koji su izvodili abortuse tako za žene koje su od tada bile pod dvostrukim teretom – kao majke i kao „rabotnitse“. No, ponovna kriminalizacija zbog mnogih čimbenika nije donijela očekivane rezultate. Postupci za kaznena djela izvođenja abortusa vodili su se rjeđe od očekivanog, a kazne su se češće izricale ženama nego onima koji su se radi zarade bavili izvođenjem ilegalnih abortusa. Nažalost, ni niz mjera kojima je država nastojala potaknuti veći natalitet, poput dječjih doplataka, plaćenih dječjih kampova i dr. beneficija nisu bile od koristi. Broj ilegalnih abortusa ostao je velik, unatoč blažem padu koji je uslijedio kratko vrijeme nakon zabrane. Rezultat nestručno izvedenih abortusa i abortusa izvedenih u nehigijenskim uvjetima bila je visoka stopa smrtnosti te teške posljedice po zdravlje žena. Kriminalizacijom nije povećan natalitet, a stvarna negativna statistika, vezana za posljedice nestručno i u nehigijenskim uvjetima obavljenih abortusa, zbog prikrivanja negativnih učinaka ove političke odluke vjerojatno se nikada neće znati. Ova je praksa trajala sve do Staljinove smrti nakon koje su 1955. abortusi ponovno legalizirani. Uz određena ograničenja, tako je ostalo sve do raspada ove komunističke velesile.The USSR model is an example of dual legal regulation of abortion, suitable for studying the effects and consequences of both legalization and criminalization of abortion. Abortion was legalized by the government of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic in 1920, after the October Revolution. The legalization was part of the efforts to solve the “woman question” and achieve gender equality. But, the Soviet society of the time, riddled with numerous problems, including famine, could not muster enough political will or economic power to solve it. Illegal abortions continued to be performed by “babki”, especially in the provincial parts of the country, far from large medical institutions found only in larger cities. Still, there was a reduction in maternal mortality. Policies to increase the birth rate were adopted under Stalin’s rule with a view to supporting industrialisation, and these included a prohibition of abortion in 1936. Punishment was envisaged both for those who performed abortions and for women who had them, who were under dual pressure – as mothers and as “rabotnitse”. However, for various reasons the recriminalization failed to yield the expected results. There were far fewer prosecutions for performing abortions than expected, and women tended to be punished for having abortions far more frequently than those who performed them for financial gain. Unfortunately, a series of measures the state undertook to boost the birth rate, such as child benefits and free children’s camps, failed to produce the desired effects. The number of illegal abortions remained high, despite a slight drop that occurred immediately after the prohibition was imposed. The illegal abortions performed in unsanitary conditions by non-professionals led to a high maternal mortality rate and had severe consequences for the women’s health. The criminalization failed to positively affect the birth rate, while the actual negative statistics resulting from the illegal abortions performed unprofessionally and in unsanitary conditions will probably never be known as any negative effects of this political decision were covered up. This practice continued until Stalin’s death, following which abortion was once again decriminalized in 1955. This regulation of abortion, with some restrictions, remained in force until the disintegration of the USSR.Das Modell der Regulierung der Abtreibung in der Sowjetunion ist das Beispiel einer doppelten Gesetzesregulierung der Abtreibung und stellt so das Modell für die Forschung von Auswirkungen sowohl derer Legalisierung und Kriminalisierung dar. Nach der Oktoberrevolution 1920 wurde Abtreibung von der Regierung der RSFSR legalisiert. Die Legalisierung war Teil des Beschließens der „Frauenfrage“ und der gesellschaftlichen Ausgleichung von Frauen und Männern, aber die damalige Gesellschaft wurde mit vielen Problemen und hungrigem Volk konfrontiert, so dass sie weder politischen Willen noch wirtschaftliche Grundlage hatte, sich mit dieser Frage auseinanderzusetzen. Die sog. „Babki“ haben weiterhin illegale Abtreibungen durchgeführt, insbesondere in Provinzen, welche von den großen für die Durchführung von Abtreibungen zuständigen Gesundheitsinstituten weit entfernt waren. Die Sterblichkeit von Frauen ist dennoch gesunken. Während der Regierungszeit Stalins und seiner Politik, durch welche die Natalität erhöht und die Arbeitskraft bereitgestellt werden sollte, wurde Abtreibung 1936 verboten. Es wurden Strafen festgesetzt sowohl für die Durchführer von Abtreibungen als auch für die Frauen, welche eine doppelte Belastung trugen – als Mutter und als sog. „Rabotnitse“. Die erneut auftretende Kriminalisierung erbrachte aber keine zu erwartenden Ergebnisse, was durch viele Faktoren bedingt wurde. Die Verfahren für die Straftaten der Durchführung von Abtreibungen wurden seltener als erwartet durchgeführt, während die Strafen öfter für die Frauen als für die Durchführer von illegalen Abtreibungen auferlegt wurden. Leider waren auch zahlreiche die vom Staat aufgestellten Maßnahmen, wie Kindergeld, bezahlte Kindercamps u. A., nicht von Nutzen. Die Zahl illegaler Abtreibungen ist sehr groß geblieben, obwohl sie kurz nach dem Verbot leicht gesunken ist. Die unprofessionell und die unter schlechten hygienischen Bedingungen durchgeführten Abtreibungen führten zu einer hohen Sterblichkeitsrate und hatten schwere Folgen für Frauengesundheit. Durch die Kriminalisierung wurde Natalität nicht erhöht und die mit den Folgen der unprofessionell und unter schlechten hygienischen Bedingungen durchgeführten Abtreibungen verbundene wahre negative Statistik wird wegen Verschleierung negativer Auswirkungen dieser politischen Entscheidung wahrscheinlich nie bekannt gemacht werden. Diese Praxis dauerte bis zum Tod Stalins, wonach Abtreibungen wiederum 1955 legalisiert wurden. Die Situation ist bis zur Auflösung der Sowjetunion mit bestimmten Einschränkungen gleich geblieben.Il modello dell’URSS fa da esempio ad una regolamentazione giuridica duplice sull’aborto, come pure rappresenta un modello per effettuare una ricerca sugli effetti e le conseguenze sia della legalizzazione, che della criminalizzazione. Precisamente, dopo la Rivoluzione d’ottobre del 1920, il potere della RSFS russa legalizzò l’aborto. La legalizzazione costituiva parte della soluzione della „questione femminile“ e dell’equiparazione sociale della donna e dell’uomo. Tuttavia, una società dai molti problemi irrisolti e della popolazione affamata non ebbe né sufficiente volontà politica, né il fondamento economico per affrontare e risolvete tale questione. Le „babki“ continuavano a praticare aborti illegali, specialmente nelle zone di provincia, che distavano dalle strutture sanitarie autorizzate che si trovavano nelle grandi città. Nondimeno, la mortalità delle donne diminuì. Con il potere e la politica di Stalin che mediante l’aumento delle nascite avrebbe dovuto garantire la forza lavorativa necessaria al fine di avviare l’industrializzazione, l’aborto venne vietato nel 1936. Vennero determinate le sanzioni sia per coloro che avessero praticato gli aborti, sia per le donne che da allora furono sotto il duplice peso del ruolo di madri e di „rabotnitse“. Tuttavia, la nuova criminalizzazione a causa di numerosi fattori non sortì i risultati aspettati. I procedimenti per reati di pratica di aborto in realtà erano più rari di quanto ci si aspettasse; mentre le sanzioni venivano più frequentemente comminate alla donne che a coloro che a fini lucrativi praticavano aborti illegali. Purtroppo, nemmeno le misure statali volte ad incrementare la natalità, quali i bonus per bambini e la copertura delle spese delle colonie per bambini od altri benefici non furono utili. Il numero degli aborti illegali rimase elevato, sebbene in un primo momento dopo l’introduzione del divieto vi fu un calo. Il risultato degli aborti praticati clandestinamente e in condizioni igieniche pessime fu un elevato numero di decessi o di gravi conseguenze sulla salute delle donne. La criminalizzazione non portò all’aumento delle nascite; mentre al fine di coprire gli effetti negativi di tale decisione politica non si saprà mai la reale statistica negativa legata alle conseguenze degli aborti praticati in maniera non professionale e in condizioni non igieniche. Tale prassi perdurò fino alla morte di Stalin nel 1955, quando gli aborti vennero nuovamente legalizzati. Con certe limitazione, la situazione rimase tale sino alla disgregazione di questa potenza comunista

Wirtschaft und Unternehmertum in der Antike - Athen im Zeitraum der Demokratie

Ovaj rad propituje ekonomsko ponašanje i djelovanje ekonomske logike u antičkoj Ateni koju, ponajviše zbog djelovanja predstavničkih tijela, tj. demokratskog uređenja, najlakše uspoređujemo sa suvremenim državama. Gospodarstvo i poduzetništvo danas su česta tema, no za rješenje problema kojih se ona dotiče rijetko se rješenja pronalaze u povijesti. Mjere koje su državni organi u gospodarstvu proveli (npr. Solonove promjene) i (Ksenofontov) plan gospodarske obnove koji je uključivao i spregu države i poduzetnika u Ateni svojom "začuđujućom modernošću" ne samo da čine povijesni most već, čini se, mogu potvrditi tezu ovog rada da su već tada ljudi razmišljali u skladu s ekonomskim zakonitostima te da je djelovala ekonomska logika u ponašanju ljudi, države i ekonomije u cjelini.The article explores the economic behavior and operation of economic logic in Classical Athens which can easily be compared to modern states mostly because of the operation of its representative bodies and its democratic organization of government. Economy and entrepreneurship are often discussed today, but solutions to related problems are seldom found in history. With their surprising modernity, economic measures undertaken by state institutions (e.g. Solon’s reforms) and Xenophon’s plan of economic reform entailing alliance between the state and entrepreneurs in Athens, not only provide a historical bridge, but can also confirm the author’s hypothesis that economic laws were followed at the time, and that economic logic was operative in the actions of people, state and economy as a whole.Diese Arbeit untersucht wirtschaftliches Handeln und ökonomische Logik im antiken Athen, das vor allem aufgrund des Wirkens der repräsentativen Organe, d.h. der demokratischen Ordnung am leichtesten mit den modernen Staaten zu vergleichen ist. Wirtschaft und Unternehmertum sind heutzutage ein prominentes Thema, doch für die damit verbundenen Probleme hat die Geschichte selten Lösungen anzubieten. Die von staatlichen Behörden in der Wirtschaft durchgeführten Maßnahmen (etwa die Reformen Solons) und der Plan der wirtschaftlichen Erneuerung (Xenophon), der in Athen auch die Verkoppelung von Staat und Unternehmer vorsah, bilden mit ihrer erstaunlichen Modernität nicht nur eine historische Brücke, sondern können wohl auch die These dieser Arbeit stützen, dass nämlich die Denkweise der Menschen schon damals im Einklang mit ökonomischen Gesetzmäßigkeiten stand und dass in der Tätigkeit von Mensch, Staat und Wirtschaft die ökonomische Logik ihre Wirkung entfaltete

The English 17th Century Puritan Revolution as a Response to the King\u27s Autocracy and the Protectorate as a Bridge from Monarchy to Monarchy

Ovaj rad izborom događaja i novim sagledavanjem društvenih odnosa vezanih za Puritansku revoluciju i Protektorat u Engleskoj nastoji s pravnog aspekta dati sliku jednoga kraćeg, ali važnog razdoblja engleskoga državnopravnog razvoja. Pri tome, prepostavljajući poznavanje ranijega državnog razvoja, naglašava povezanost Puritanske revolucije i događaja koji su joj neposredno prethodili s engleskim srednjovjekovnim borbama velikaša za Veliku povelju sloboda iz 1215. godine. Rad ujedno nastoji istaknuti važnost revolucionarnih iskustava i kratkotrajnog uređenja koje je prekinulo monarhiju za razvoj engleskoga svjetskog imperija u XIX. stoljeću. Uz to, pobliže se prikazuje djelovanje mnogih važnih osoba koje su sudjelovale u revolucionarnim događajima i koje su pokušale djelovati protiv parlamenta ili iz njega, a osobito Jamesa I. Stuarta, oca smaknutog kralja, i Johna Pyma, tvorca moći Donjeg doma parlamenta, te glavnih protagonista revolucionarnih događaja kralja Charlesa I. Stuarta i Olivera Cromwella, zapovjednika New Model Army . Ideološke podjele u vojsci (glavne struje bili su prezbiterijanci i independenti) snažno su utjecale na ondašnje događaje i prijetile su da će se odraziti i na organizaciju države. Prikaz izmjene kraljevine u republiku, koja nije dugo trajala, ali je nesporno stvorila pukotinu u društvenom uređenju po kojem je Engleska svima poznata, te dokumenti koji se spominju, a od kojih ističemo Peticiju prava i Sredstvo upravljanja, imaju neprijepornu važnost za prikaz engleskoga pravnog poretka te suvremene engleske zbilje.By selecting significant events and offering a new perspective on social relations connected with the Puritan Revolution and the Protectorate of England, this paper attempts to provide, from a legal aspect, a picture of a brief, but important, period in the development of the English legal state. In doing so, and, given knowledge of the earlier development of the state, it stresses the connection between the Puritan Revolution and the events that immediately preceded it, and the mediaeval struggle of the barons for the Great Charter of the Liberties of England of 1215. The paper also seeks to highlight the importance of revolutionary experiences and of the short-lived order that interrupted the monarchy in relation to the development of the English world empire of the 19th century. In addition, the paper also underlines the activity of many important persons who participated in the revolutionary events and who endeavoured to act against or from within the Parliament, and in particular James I, father of the executed king, and John Pym, creator of the power of the House of Commons and chief protagonist of the revolutionary events concerning King Charles I, and Oliver Cromwell, commander-in-chief of the New Model Army. Ideological divisions within the army (the main streams being the Presbyterians and the Independents) had a strong influence on the events of the time and threatened the organisation of the state. A presentation of the transformation of the kingdom into a republic, which did not last long, but undoubtedly caused a crack in the social order for which England had been known, and the documents that are mentioned, the most distinct being the Petition of Right and the Instrument of Government, are of major importance in presenting the English legal order and the contemporary reality of England

Zaštita objekata religijskog značaja u ratovima među grčkim polisima

Rad istražuje početke ograničavanja ratovanja zadržavajući se na utvrđivanju postojanja i razlikovanja običajnih normi prema kriteriju zaštite objekata, posebice hramova i svetišta u ratovima. Polazi se od razlike između postupanja u oružanim sukobima među grčkim polisima te sukobima između njih i stranaca ili barbara. Potvrđujući postojanje običajnih zaštitnih normi koje su nalagale poštedu religijskih objekata, uočavamo da se ta pošteda u ratnoj praksi nije često poštovala, što je uostalom i odlika našeg vremena unatoč odredbama suvremenog, pisanog ratnog prava i načelima na kojima ono počiva. Iako je grčki polis funkcionirao uz strah od božanske kazne, upravo će nadgradnja religijske sankcije običajnom normom doprinijeti humanizaciji ratovanja, ujedno nadilazeći početnu ograničenost na panhelenski svijet

Događaji i okolnosti koje su prethodile donošenju Ustava Sjedinjenih Američkih Država

Ovaj rad kroz prizmu bavljenja poviješću države i prava iznosi i prikazuje događanja koja su neposredno ili posredno utjecala na osamostaljenje engleskih kolonija i donošenje Ustava Sjedinjenih Američkih Država ne ulazeći u ustavnopravnu analizu. Niz događaja od Francuskog ili Sedmogodišnjeg rata ili zabrane naseljavanja iza Alleghanyja do nepopularnih mjera i politike engleskog parlamenta kao što je bio npr. Zakon o biljezima posredno i neposredno izazvale su borbu kolonija za nezavisnost, a time i donošenje Ustava kojemu tada nitko nije mogao predvidjeti trajanje