The political economy of civilization: Peasant-workers in Zimbabwe and the neo-colonial world.

This thesis provides a global political economy of the postwar period, with special reference to Zimbabwe. The conceptual aim is to connect the agrarian question with contemporary democratic theory, by inquiring into the global sources of 'civil society' and relating it to the phenomenon of semi-proletarianisation. There are three basic arguments. First, civil society cannot be understood in isolation from imperialism. The onset of the Cold War produced an ultra-imperial order under US leadership, with a 'global development' project crafted to its needs and a mode of rule preoccupied with the definition and enforcement of 'civil society'. Second, capital accumulation in the postwar period has continued to operate in accordance with the laws of motion of the centre-periphery relationship; the main alteration has consisted in the closer integration of central-state economies with each other, along with a small number of industrial satellites. The periphery has remained in a disarticulated pattern of accumulation, whose corollary is the reproduction of semi-proletarianisation on a grand scale. Third, under ultra-imperialism, 'civil society' has been defined in accordance with the requirements of disarticulated accumulation, while semi-proletarian politics have all too often been relegated to the 'uncivil' domain. The thesis focuses on the relationship between the civil and uncivil politics of the semi-proletariat. During 'nation-building', which dovetailed with the Cold War, uncivil politics comprised of 'property unfriendly' forces, the radical nationalist and socialist seeking to nationalise industry and redistribute land (i.e., to alter the pattern of accumulation). With the onset of 'structural adjustment' and the end of the Cold War, the uncivil net was cast wider to the 'market unfriendly', including radical trade unionisms and land occupation movements. It is argued that in the postwar period uncivil politics have occasionally obtained social revolution; or extensive agrarian reforms and capitalist development; or, most commonly, limited agrarian reforms within a persisting pattern of disarticulated accumulation (Zimbabwe being the case in point). The latter outcome owes to the systematic 'civilisation' of oppositional politics by means of cooptation tactics - not least within international trade unionism - and outright repression. The thesis demonstrates these arguments with a detailed account of Zimbabwe's experience, and concludes with reflections on the prospects of a post-liberal civilisation

A luta por soberania epistêmica no Sul: uma homenagem a Sam Moyo

The present tribute to Sam Moyo brings to light his trajectory in the Pan-Africanist tradition of political economy and in the construction of a new autonomous intellectual dynamic between Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean. Born in Zimbabwe under the Rhodesian colonial regime, he began his studies in West Africa in the 1970s, where he obtained his enduring epistemological orientation based on national liberation. There an autochthonous thought of historical materialism was being consolidated at the time, and initiatives for tricontinental collaboration inspired by the Bandung movement were launched. In the following decades, in the neoliberal era, Sam became a world reference in agrarian and land issues, standing out in his defense of the African peasantry and land reform in Zimbabwe. Always faithful to the liberation of the peoples of the continent and the South, his approach integrated a wide range of issues related to development without disciplinary restrictions, making his mission nothing less than the transformation of the social sciences inherited from colonialism. He was the founder of several research initiatives and institutions in Zimbabwe, the continent and the South, being elected president of the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA) in 2008-2011 and having played a leading role in the construction of the Agrian South tricontinental network.El presente homenaje a Sam Moyo pone de manifiesto su trayectoria en la tradición PanAfricanista de la economía política y en la construcción de una nueva dinámica intelectual autónoma entre África, Asia, América Latina y el Caribe. Nacido en Zimbabwe bajo el régimen colonial de Rhodesia, comenzó sus estudios en África Occidental en la década de 1970, donde obtuvo su duradera orientación epistemológica basada en la liberación nacional. Allí se consolidó, durante esa época, un pensamiento autóctono del materialismo histórico y se lanzaron importantes iniciativas de colaboración tricontinental inspiradas en el movimiento Bandung. En las siguientes décadas, en la era neoliberal, Sam se convirtió en un referente mundial en temas agrarios, destacándose en su defensa del campesinado africano y la reforma agraria en Zimbabwe. Siempre fiel a la liberación de los pueblos del continente y del Sur, su enfoque integró una amplia gama de temas relacionados con el desarrollo sin restricciones disciplinarias, haciendo de su misión nada menos que la transformación de las ciencias sociales heredadas del colonialismo. Fue fundador de varias iniciativas e instituciones de investigación en Zimbabwe, en el continente y en el Sur, siendo elegido presidente del Consejo para el Desarrollo de Investigación en las Ciencias Sociales en África (CODESRIA) en 2008-2011 y habiendo desempeñado un papel protagónico en la construcción de la red tricontinental Sur Agrario (Agrarian South).A presente homenagem a Sam Moyo traz à tona a sua trajetória na tradição Pan-Africanista de economia política e na construção de uma nova dinâmica intelectual autônoma entre África, Ásia, América Latina e Caribe. Nascido no Zimbábue sob o regime colonial rodesiano, iniciou os seus estudos na África do Oeste nos anos 1970, onde obteve a sua duradoura orientação epistemológica pautada na libertação nacional. Ali se consolidava à época um pensamento autóctone do materialismo histórico e lançavam-se importantes iniciativas de colaboração tricontinental inspiradas no movimento de Bandung. Nas décadas seguintes, na época neoliberal, Sam se tornou referência mundial em questões agrárias e fundiárias, destacando-se na sua defesa do campesinato africano e da reforma agrária no Zimbábue. Sempre fiel à libertação dos povos do continente e do Sul, a sua abordagem integrava uma vasta gama de questões relativas ao desenvolvimento sem restrições disciplinares, fazendo de sua missão nada menos que a transformação das ciências sociais herdadas do colonialismo. Foi fundador de diversas iniciativas e instituições de pesquisa no Zimbábue, no continente e no Sul, sendo eleito presidente do Conselho para o Desenvolvimento da Pesquisa em Ciências Sociais em África (CODESRIA) em 2008-2011 e tendo protagonizado na construção da rede tricontinental Sul Agrário (Agrarian South)

The political economy of ‘impeachment’ in Brazil: an assessment of the Temer interlude (2016-2018)

This article focuses on the impeachment process of Dilma Rousseff in Brazil, as well as the economic policies and the performance of the economy under the Temer administration, between 2016 and 2018. The article shows that Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment favored a stronger neoliberal thrust advocated especially by financial markets, and that contrary to the proclaimed objectives of the new administration, the economic policies adopted against recession did not lead to an expressive economic recovery, or to an improvement of the fiscal situation of the central government. Instead, the accelerated privatization and denationalization of the economy since the impeachment has further perpetuated stagnation, reinforced indebtedness, and reduced the capacity of the central government to respondEste artigo céntrase no proceso de “impeachment” de Dilma Rousseff en Brasil, así como nas políticas económicas aplicadas e da marcha da economía baixo a administración de Temer, entre 2016 y 2018. O artigo amosa que o exercicio de Dilma Rousseff favoreceu un empuxe neoliberal máis forte defendido especialmente polos mercados financeiros e que, ao contrario dos obxectivos proclamados da nova Administración, as políticas económicas adoptadas contra a recesión non supuxeron unha recuperación económica nin unha mellora da situación fiscal do Goberno central. Pola contra, a privatización acelerada e a desnacionalización da economía desde o impeachment perpetuou aínda máis o estancamento, reforzou o endebedamento e reduciu a capacidade de resposta do Goberno centralEste artículo se centra en el proceso de "impeachment" de Dilma Rousseff en Brasil, así como en las políticas económicas aplicadas y la marcha de la economía bajo la administración de Temer, entre 2016 y 2018. El artículo muestra que el ejercicio de Dilma Rousseff favoreció un impulso neoliberal más fuertes propugnadas especialmente por los mercados financieros y que, contrariamente a los objetivos proclamados de la nueva administración, las políticas económicas adoptadas contra la recesión no suponían una recuperación económica ni una mejora de la situación fiscal del Gobierno Central. Por el contrario, la privatización acelerada y la desnacionalización de la economía desde la impugnación perpetuaron el estancamiento, fortalecieron el endeudamiento y redujeron la capacidad de respuesta del gobierno centra