Political dynasties, business, and poverty in the Philippines

Despite studies finding a link between political dynasty prevalence and poverty, empirical evidence in the Philippines shows that the relationship between dynastic concentration and underdevelopment is not the same across regions. We argue that an independent economic elite and high levels of economic activity, typically foundin Luzon, affect the poverty and development impact of political dynasties. Local socioeconomic contexts shape the opportunities for predatory behavior among politicians and their relationships with economic elites. Using novel survey data on business-government linkages as well as an extensive dataset on local government leadership in the Philippines spanning 2004 to 2016, we find that political dynasties exacerbate poverty in the resource-rich non-Luzon provinces but not in Luzon where there is a competitive business environment. <br/

Political Dynasties, Business, and Poverty in the Philippines

Despite studies finding a link between political dynasty prevalence and poverty; empirical evidence in the Philippines shows that the relationship between dynastic concentration and underdevelopment is not the same across regions. We argue that an independent economic elite and high levels of economic activity; typically found in Luzon; affect the poverty and development impact of political dynasties. Local socioeconomic contexts shape the opportunities for predatory behavior among politicians and their relationships with economic elites. Using novel survey data on business-government linkages as well as an extensive dataset on local government leadership in the Philippines spanning 2004 to 2016; we find that political dynasties exacerbate poverty in the resource-rich non-Luzon provinces but not in Luzon where there is a competitive business environment

Omics-based molecular techniques in oral pathology centred cancer: Prospect and challenges in Africa

: The completion of the human genome project and the accomplished milestones in the human proteome project; as well as the progress made so far in computational bioinformatics and “big data” processing have contributed immensely to individualized/personalized medicine in the developed world.At the dawn of precision medicine, various omics-based therapies and bioengineering can now be applied accurately for the diagnosis, prognosis, treatment, and risk stratifcation of cancer in a manner that was hitherto not thought possible. The widespread introduction of genomics and other omics-based approaches into the postgraduate training curriculum of diverse medical and dental specialties, including pathology has improved the profciency of practitioners in the use of novel molecular signatures in patient management. In addition, intricate details about disease disparity among diferent human populations are beginning to emerge. This would facilitate the use of tailor-made novel theranostic methods based on emerging molecular evidences

Bayesian variable selection using Knockoffs with applications to genomics

Given the costliness of HIV drug therapy research, it is important not only to maximize true positive rate (TPR) by identifying which genetic markers are related to drug resistance, but also to minimize false discovery rate (FDR) by reducing the number of incorrect markers unrelated to drug resistance. In this study, we propose a multiple testing procedure that unifies key concepts in computational statistics, namely Model-free Knockoffs, Bayesian variable selection, and the local false discovery rate. We develop an algorithm that utilizes the augmented data-Knockoff matrix and implement Bayesian Lasso. We then identify signals using test statistics based on Markov Chain Monte Carlo outputs and local false discovery rate. We test our proposed methods against non-bayesian methods such as Benjamini–Hochberg (BHq) and Lasso regression in terms TPR and FDR. Using numerical studies, we show the proposed method yields lower FDR compared to BHq and Lasso for certain cases, such as for low and equi-dimensional cases. We also discuss an application to an HIV-1 data set, which aims to be applied analyzing genetic markers linked to drug resistant HIV in the Philippines in future work

The link between fake news susceptibility and political polarization of the youth in the Philippines

This study explores the relationship between political polarization, measured as pro-administration and opposition support, and vulnerability to online misinformation through a survey distributed through snowball sampling among students in colleges and universities across the Philippines. Using quasibinomial models, a two-model approach was conducted to disentangle the accuracy goals and partisan goals of the students. We find that polarized supporters of President Duterte are more likely to inaccurately identify fake and real news, compared to polarized supporters of the opposition. This is remarkably similar to trends in the United States where Republicans are more vulnerable to misinformation. Other results also highlight possible trends, such as the link between increased self-reported frequency of seeing fake news and decreased likelihood of correctly identifying fake news, and the link between increased trust in news in social media and decreased odds of correctly identifying both real and fake news

Emergent political remittances during the pandemic: Evidence from a survey of overseas Filipino workers

This article examines the experiences and assessments of overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) on the Philippine government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic. The study is part of the growing migration literature exploring the formation of political remittances, defined as political principles, norms and practices migrants acquire during the migration process and what these imply for democratization, particularly in migrants’ home countries. Data for the study came from an online survey of OFWs during the COVID-19 pandemic. Results from the ordered logistic regression suggest that overseas Filipinos’ experiences of successful pandemic management and aid distribution in host countries may influence OFWs to expect and demand similar measures in the Philippines

COVID-19 Vaccine Hesitancy in ASEAN: Insights from a Multi-Wave Survey Database from July 2020 to March 2021

Objectives Early studies on COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy showed varied intensity across countries, which was linked to various factors such as socio-economic conditions, information sources, and issues of trust in government, scientific experts, and the health sector. This study aims to evaluate the determinants of vaccine hesitancy to offer insights into the strategies that may be successful in designing communications campaigns for enhanced vaccination uptake. Methods Through logistic regression, this study examines correlates of survey data from five Southeast Asian countries, namely Indonesia (ID), Malaysia (MY), Philippines (PH), Thailand (TH), Vietnam (VN) collected by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology Initiative on Digital Economy and Facebook between July 2020 and March 2021. Results. Some significant determinants at the 5% or 1% level of significance of COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy in the countries of interest include gender [ID: 1.17 (1.01, 1.15), MY: 1.35 (1.2,1.53), PH: 1.92 (1.68,2.19), VN: 1.28 (1.04,1.58)], age [MY:1.11 (1.06,1.17), PH: 0.92 (0.88, 0.97), TH: 1.17 (1.11, 1.23)], knowing someone who tested positive for COVID-19 [ID: 0.75 (0.65,0.88), MY: 0.82 (0.71,0.95), PH: 0.76 (0.67, 0.87), TH: 0.76 (0.59, 0.99), VN: 0.72 (0.54,0.97)], and perceived effectiveness of mask wearing [ID: 0.83 (0.74, 0.94), MY: 0.86 (0.79, 0.95), TH: 0.88 (0.8,0.98)]. Vaccine hesitancy is particularly strong among women in 3 countries-peaking at 52% in Indonesia, 42% in Malaysia, and 56% in the Philippines. Conclusion Results from the survey highlight the significance of a targeted vaccine education and research campaign. This study calls for streamlining of communications campaigns towards messages that promote vaccine uptake in the region, while better targeting those groups most vulnerable guided by the empirical findings herein

The Link Between Fake News Susceptibility and Political Polarization of the Youth in the Philippines

This study explores the relationship between political polarization; measured as pro-administration and opposition support; and vulnerability to online misinformation through a survey distributed through snowball sampling among students in colleges and universities across the Philippines. Using quasibinomial models; a two-model approach was conducted to disentangle the accuracy goals and partisan goals of the students. We find that polarized supporters of President Duterte are more likely to inaccurately identify fake and real news; compared to polarized supporters of the opposition. This is remarkably similar to trends in the United States where Republicans are more vulnerable to misinformation. Other results also highlight possible trends; such as the link between increased self-reported frequency of seeing fake news and decreased likelihood of correctly identifying fake news; and the link between increased trust in news in social media and decreased odds of correctly identifying both real and fake news

A Philippine Strongman\u27s Legislative and Constitutional Reforms Legacy

This article examines five years of legislation and constitutional reform under former President Rodrigo R. Duterte. An overview of post-1986 republic acts shows administrations being more successful in legislating social and economic laws than political laws. President Duterte is no exception to this, yet his presidency stands out in both legislative productivity and the passage of long-overdue laws. This success is due in part to high presidential approval, a supermajority coalition in Congress, and a unified Cabinet. These strengthen his influence over Congress, raising expectations that charter change can be fulfiled. His administration\u27s failed attempt at federalism then raises questions on his commitment to the policy in the first place. Despite a populist campaign and institutional means at his disposal, Duterte does not appear any different from his predecessors who prioritised economic laws favoured by the business class over deep political reform with broader implications on governance and development

Exploring the Correlates of Presidential Satisfaction in the Philippines using the Misery Index

Notwithstanding their widespread use in many modern democracies; surveys on leadership satisfaction have generated much debate regarding the possible factors driving public opinion. As a contribution to the literature; this study empirically examines data on Philippine presidential net satisfaction generated by the Social Weather Stations; one of the most well-established survey firms in the archipelagic country. Using Presidential Net Satisfaction data from 1998 to 2019; this study aims to show the links (or lack thereof) between survey results on citizens\u27 satisfaction with leadership on one hand; and objective and subjective indicators of economic well-being on the other. This study finds scant evidence that economic variables such as inflation and unemployment are tied to presidential satisfaction; despite the primacy of the economy in Philippine surveys of key policy issues