117 research outputs found
Le renouveau maoĂŻste et le virage conservateur dans la politique chinoise
Cet article Ă©value le renouveau du maoĂŻsme en Chine au moment oĂč des factions de premier plan au sein du Parti communiste chinois opĂšrent un virage conservateur tant sur le plan idĂ©ologique que politique. Alors que la campagne du changhong (« chanter des chants rouges ») menĂ©e par Bo Xilai, chef Ă©vincĂ© du Parti de la municipalitĂ© de Chongqing, a focalisĂ© lâattention aussi bien en Chine quâĂ lâĂ©tranger, des factions proches du pouvoir allant de la Ligue de la jeunesse communiste sous l'influence du prĂ©sident Hu Jintao au clan des « fils de princes » (taizidang, Ă©galement appelĂ©s « Princes rouges »), menĂ© par le vice-prĂ©sident Xi Jinping ressuscitaient Ă©galement divers aspects des enseignements et des valeurs associĂ©s au Grand Timonier. Ainsi, la mort politique de Bo ne signifie en aucun cas la fin du renouveau du maoĂŻsme. Cet article Ă©value Ă©galement lâimpact de la restauration des normes maoĂŻstes sur certains aspects de la politique chinoise tels que lâavenir des rĂ©formes politiques
The Maoist Revival and the Conservative Turn in Chinese Politics
This paper evaluates the revival of Maoism in China as major factions of the Chinese Communist Party take a conservative turn in ideology and politics. While the changhong (âsinging red songsâ) campaign spearheaded by the ousted party chief of Chongqing, Bo Xilai, has attracted the most attention in and outside of China, power blocs ranging from the Communist Youth League Faction under President Hu Jintao to the Gang of Princelings headed by Vice-President Xi Jinping have also resuscitated different aspects of the teachings and values associated with the Great Helmsman. For this reason, the political demise of Bo does not mean the cessation of the revive-Maoism phenomenon. This study also assesses the impact of the restoration of Maoist norms on aspects of Chinese politics such as the future of political reform
Le renouveau maoĂŻste et le virage conservateur dans la politique chinoise
Cet article Ă©value le renouveau du maoĂŻsme en Chine au moment oĂč des factions de premier plan au sein du Parti communiste chinois opĂšrent un virage conservateur tant sur le plan idĂ©ologique que politique. Alors que la campagne du changhong (« chanter des chants rouges ») menĂ©e par Bo Xilai, chef Ă©vincĂ© du Parti de la municipalitĂ© de Chongqing, a focalisĂ© lâattention aussi bien en Chine quâĂ lâĂ©tranger, des factions proches du pouvoir allant de la Ligue de la jeunesse communiste sous l'influence du prĂ©sident Hu Jintao au clan des « fils de princes » (taizidang, Ă©galement appelĂ©s « Princes rouges »), menĂ© par le vice-prĂ©sident Xi Jinping ressuscitaient Ă©galement divers aspects des enseignements et des valeurs associĂ©s au Grand Timonier. Ainsi, la mort politique de Bo ne signifie en aucun cas la fin du renouveau du maoĂŻsme. Cet article Ă©value Ă©galement lâimpact de la restauration des normes maoĂŻstes sur certains aspects de la politique chinoise tels que lâavenir des rĂ©formes politiques
The Politicisation of China's Law-Enforcement and Judicial Apparatus
The Chinese Communist Party has politicised the judicial and law-enforcement apparatus despite Beijingâs avowed commitment to global norms. This paper shows how, in the wake of the 4 June 1989 crackdown, the CCP leadership enhanced its control over the courts and procuratorates so as to boost its capacity to punish dissidents, separatists, and other destabilising elements. Despite President Hu Jintaoâs slogan of ârunning the country according to law,â the prospect for rule of law and judicial independence remains illusory
Hong Kong et les perspectives de democratisation dans la Région administrative spéciale
Cinq jours aprĂšs le massacre de Tianâanmen, Deng Xiaoping affirmait que lâ«Ćagitation contre-rĂ©volutionnaireĆ» qui venait selon lui de se produire Ă©tait inĂ©luctable au vu de la tendance du daqihou (littĂ©ralement, le macroclimatĆ; au sens figurĂ©, les dĂ©veloppements nationaux et mondiaux majeurs)((1) . Afin de comprendre les bouleversements fascinants que connaĂźt la RĂ©gion administrative spĂ©ciale (RAS) de Hong Kong dix ans aprĂšs le 1er juillet 1997, il sera instructif de les juger Ă lâaune de la situation hongkongaise mais aussi des relations entre PĂ©kin et Hong Kong. Doit Ă©galement ĂȘtre prise en compte lâascension vertigineuse de la Chine, pour qui le statut de «Ćquasi superpuissanceĆ» est dĂ©sormais Ă portĂ©e de main.
Beijing's policy towards Hong Kong and the prospects for democratisation in the SAR
Five days after the Tiananmen Square massacre, Deng Xiaoping indicated that this âcounter-revolutionary turmoilâ was bound to happen because of trends in the da qihou (literally, the larger climate; figuratively, major domestic and global developments((1)). To understand the intriguing changes that have taken place in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) ten years after 1 July 1997, it is instructive to assess changes in not only Hong Kong itself but also Beijing-Hong Kong relations. Chinaâs precipitous rise to within striking distance of attaining âquasisuperpowerâ status also has to be taken into account
Hong Kong et les perspectives de democratisation dans la Région administrative spéciale
Cinq jours aprĂšs le massacre de Tianâanmen, Deng Xiaoping affirmait que lâ«Ćagitation contre-rĂ©volutionnaireĆ» qui venait selon lui de se produire Ă©tait inĂ©luctable au vu de la tendance du daqihou (littĂ©ralement, le macroclimatĆ; au sens figurĂ©, les dĂ©veloppements nationaux et mondiaux majeurs)((1) . Afin de comprendre les bouleversements fascinants que connaĂźt la RĂ©gion administrative spĂ©ciale (RAS) de Hong Kong dix ans aprĂšs le 1er juillet 1997, il sera instructif de les juger Ă lâaune de la situation hongkongaise mais aussi des relations entre PĂ©kin et Hong Kong. Doit Ă©galement ĂȘtre prise en compte lâascension vertigineuse de la Chine, pour qui le statut de «Ćquasi superpuissanceĆ» est dĂ©sormais Ă portĂ©e de main.
La politisation de lâappareil policier et judiciaire
Le Parti communiste chinois continue dâexercer un contrĂŽle politique sur lâappareil policier et judiciaire en dĂ©pit dâune volontĂ© affirmĂ©e de sâaligner sur les pratiques internationales. Cet article montre comment, Ă la suite de la reprise en main de la situation par le pouvoir aprĂšs le 4 Juin 1989, la direction du PCC a renforcĂ© son emprise sur les tribunaux et parquets afin de pouvoir mieux rĂ©primer les dissidents, sĂ©paratistes et autres Ă©lĂ©ments subversifs. En dĂ©pit du slogan martelĂ© par Hu Jintao dâun « gouvernement du pays par la loi », la perspective dâaboutir Ă un vĂ©ritable Ătat de droit ou Ă une indĂ©pendance du systĂšme judiciaire demeure encore bien illusoire
Learning outcomes from international service-learning
To raise students\u27 awareness of global issues is one of the main objectives in service learning, students in the Hong Kong Polytechnic University (PolyU) are encouraged to apply their learning outcomes to serve the underprivileged community for rather long term benefits. This paper will discuss how PolyU students from different disciplines committed a service learning project in Yogyakarta, Indonesia.
Together with students from Duta Wacana Christian University(DWCU) with different disciplines, a group of students from PolyU joined a service learning project Yogyakarta Kampung Field School (YKFS) in Yogyakarta, Indonesia. YKFS aims at exploring the need of the local rural community and proposing solutions to empower the local community development.
In order to have thorough and quick understanding about the serving community in foreign, PolyU students joined hand with DWCU students to study the geographical relationship of natural resources and local community needs. They used a new mobile Apps, which was jointly developed by both DWCU and PolyU for collecting spatial information and production of digital map with contemporary GPS, GIS and mobile mapping technologies. Students interviewed the villagers to obtain geospatial information and explored the community needs with SWOT approach. Through this learning process, they had more understanding about the strengths of the local community such as local wisdom and rural assets. They also addressed their weakness of villagers in using technical knowledge and global information. It enabled them to propose the sustainable suggestions with achievable opportunities and tackle those threats towards their proposing suggestions in the local community.
Students in this project implemented the new ideas with villagers, such as trash bank operation, trail run in mushrooms cultivation, they also simulated the local villagers to attempt in reduction of global carbon emission and the conservation of biodiversity. Hygienic issues have also been addressed, such as the transformation of local primitive toilet to a better sanitation place with international health standard.
Through their reflective journals and questionnaires results, they illustrated that they have different understandings about Indonesian, local community, human interaction, empowerment, power of knowledge and the development strategy
Fuelling legitimacy : the impact of energy security on China's foreign policy
published_or_final_versionInternational and Public AffairsMasterMaster of International and Public Affair
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