Immigration, Discrimination, and Trust: A Simply Complex Relationship

Many immigrants experience discrimination. In this paper we consider how discrimination affects their trust. We make a theoretical case for a formal mediation approach to studying the immigration, discrimination, and trust relationship. This approach shifts attention to the basic fact that the overall levels of discrimination experienced by different immigrant and native-born groups are not the same. We also build on previous empirical research by considering multiple forms of discrimination, multiple types of trust and multiple immigrant/native-born groups. Drawing on the 2013 Canadian General Social Survey data (N = 27,695) we analyze differences in three kinds of trust (generalized trust, trust in specific others, and political trust), and the role of perceived discrimination (ethnic, racial, any), between five immigrant-native groups (Canadian-born whites, Canadian-born people of color, foreign-born whites, foreign-born people of color, and Indigenous people). We find that perceived discrimination is more relevant to general trust and trust in specific others than to political trust. We also find that perceived discrimination explains more of the trust gap between racialized immigrants and the native-born than the gap between non-racialized immigrants and the native-born. The results illustrate that what appears to be a simple relationship is far more complex when attempting to explain group differences

Competition or colonialism?, an analysis of two theories of ethnic collective action

grantor: University of TorontoThe internal colonialism and ethnic competition theories provide contrasting predictions about the effect of cultural and economic characteristics on ethnic group collective action. Studies comparing the two theories have considered political mobilization by the Quebecois, the Flemish, the Basques, the Irish, the Scottish, and the Welsh. This dissertation re-examines these theories by using First Nation people's political mobilization at the band level in Canada from 1981-2000 as cases of ethnic collective action. To date, no study of these theories has used political mobilization by indigenous/Native peoples as cases. This study extends previous work on the internal colonialism and ethnic competition models in three important ways. First measures of the wider regional context (provincial location) within which the bands are located are included as variables. Second, in addition to cultural and economic characteristics, this study also includes socio-demographic characteristics of the bands. Third, this study measures the economic, cultural, and socio-demographic characteristics at the group level rather than at the regional level. Results from a series of negative binomial equations demonstrate that the most important predictors of band-level collective action between 1981 and 2000 are band population size, unemployment, previous events, and regional context. Some support is provided for the ethnic competition theory. Future studies of ethnic collective action should give greater consideration to socio-demographic factors, the time period, and the regional context within which political mobilization takes place.Ph.D

Anti-Asian discrimination and the Asian-white mental health gap during COVID-19

The COVID-19 pandemic has led to widespread mental health issues. In this article, we consider how, due to a spike in anti-Asian hate crimes across the country, Asians might face a disproportionate mental health impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Analyzing data from the University of Southern California’s Center for Economic and Social Research Understanding Coronavirus in America survey, we report several major findings. First, since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, Asians (Asian Americans in particular) have experienced higher levels of mental disorders than whites. Second, Asian Americans and Asian immigrants are about twice as likely as whites to report having encountered instances of COVID-19-related acute discrimination. Third, experiences of COVID-19-associated discrimination have led to increased mental disorders for all Americans. Finally, COVID-19-related acute discrimination partially explains the disproportionate mental health impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on Asians. In conclusion, we highlight the importance of tackling hate, violence, and discrimination so as to address the disproportionate mental health impatcs of COVID-19 on minority populations.Arts, Faculty ofNon UBCSociology, Department ofReviewedFacult

Nationalism and Media Coverage of Indigenous People's Collective Action in Canada

Indigenous peoples in Canada have engaged in hundreds of collective action events. The media are the key means through which the general public learns about these actions. However, the media do not simply mirror events. Instead, coverage tends to emphasize certain aspects of indigenous peoples’ collective action events while overlooking others. While early research emphasized the tendency of the mainstream media to portray these events as violent and militant, more recent scholarship has focused on nationalism and the ways that coverage of these actions creates an “us” vs. “them” binary. In this paper we build on this latter work by identifying the specific characteristics associated with each side of this binary. We analyze several hundred Canadian newspaper articles about a key set of events that took place during the 1990s. We find that the media repeatedly draws on frames that portray Indigenous peoples’ protest as criminal, divisive, and expensive. These assessments are made in implicit contrast with non-Indigenous people, or “good” citizens, as law-abiding, peaceful, and tax paying. Media stories therefore frame Indigenous challengers in a way that make them appear to be less deserving citizens of the nation

Race & Political Trust: Justice as a Unifying Influence on Political Trust

Abstract Americans’ trust in government is lower than ever. However, while all groups have seen a decline in trust since the 1960s, the gap in trust between racial and ethnic minorities and Whites in this period has varied not only in size but also in direction. At times, racial and ethnic minorities have actually had higher rates of trust than Whites, contradicting the broad assumptions in research about race and political trust. Explanations of the causes of trust in government that emphasize institutional experience and early socialization would not predict this outcome. We propose that an underutilized component in the study of race and political trust is perceived justice. On one hand, racial and ethnic minorities’ sensitivity to institutional injustice often leads to lower rates of trust. On the other hand, when racial and ethnic minorities perceive there are greater opportunities for racial progress, which signal that widespread harm can be repaired, their political trust tends to increase, sometimes to levels that exceed those for Whites. The interplay between political realities that shape perceived justice as well as political hope for racial progress likely creates the variable longitudinal patterns of racial and ethnic differences in trust