South Arabian and Yemeni dialects

It has traditionally been assumed that with the Islamic conquests Arabic overwhelmed the original ancient languages of the Peninsula, leaving the language situation in the south-western Arabian Peninsula as one in which dialects of Arabic are tinged, to a greater or lesser degree, with substrate features of the ancient South Arabian languages. The ancient Arab grammarians had clear ideas concerning the difference between the non-Arabic languages of the Peninsula and Arabic, including the -t feminine nominal ending in all states and -n versus the -l definite article.. Today, however, we read about ‘Arabic’ dialects that exhibit large proportions of ‘non-Arabic’ features. Here I compare phonological, morphological, lexical and syntactic data from several contemporary varieties spoken within historical Yemen – within the borders of current Yemen into southern ‘Asīr – with data from Ancient South Arabian, Sabaean, and Modern South Arabian, Mehri, as spoken in the far east of Yemen. On the basis of these comparisons I suggest that Arabic may not have replaced all the ancient languages of the Peninsula, and that we may be witnessing the rediscovery of descendants of the ancient languages. The Yemeni and ‘Asīri dialects considered are: Yemen: Rāziḥīt, Minabbih, Xašir, San‘ani, Ġaylħabbān ‘Asīr: Rijāl Alma‛, Abha, Faif

Pre-pausal devoicing and glottalisation in varieties of the south-western Arabian peninsula

A wide range of modern Arabic dialects exhibit devoicing in pre-pausal (utterance-final) position. These include Cairene [20], Gulf Arabic, San’ani [8], [18], Manaxah [19], Central Highland Yemeni dialects [1], Rijal Alma‘ (Asiri p.c.), Central Sudanese (Dickins p.c.), Çukurova [15], Kinderib [9], E. Fayyum [2]. In some dialects, pausal devoicing is reported to be accompanied by aspiration (e.g. Cairene, [19]), in others by glottalisation (e.g. Fayyum, [2]; Manaxah, [18]; San’ani, [8], [18]). As preliminary work to a study of pausal phenomena in the south-western Arabian Peninsula, we examine data from two Arabic dialects – San’ani (SA), spoken in the Old City of San’a, Yemen, and the Asiri dialect of Rijal Alma‘ (RA) – and from Mehriyōt, an eastern dialect of the modern south Arabian language, Mehri, spoken in Yemen. We begin by presenting a summary of pausal phenomena in SA. We then consider the behaviour of final oral stops – velar, coronal and labial – final coronal fricatives, final nasals and liquids, and final vowels. Initial comparison with data from RA and Mehriyōt indicates that utterance-final devoicing is more advanced in SA than in the other varieties, and involves a greater range of segment types. The first set of pausal examples were extracted from Watson’s recordings of spontaneous SA monologues on the Semitic Spracharchiv. The main speaker is a young semi educated woman.1 Those forms which exist as lexemes in RA, plus lexemes involving similar pre-pausal segments in comparable syllable types, were recorded utterance-finally by Yahya Asiri, a native speaker of RA. Pausal forms for Mehriyōt were extracted from the late Alexander Sima’s recordings of spontaneous speech on the Semitic sound archive [16]. The Mehriyōt speaker is a low- to semi-educated early middle-aged man. Data were analysed using the phonetic analysis programme PRAAT (www.praat.org)

A detective story: emphatics in Mehri

Until 1970, Ethio-Semitic was believed to be the only Semitic language sub-family in which the main correlate of “emphasis” is glottalization, a feature said at the time to be due to Cushitic influence. Since the work of T.M. Johnstone, however, it has been argued that glottalization is a South Semitic feature, attested not only in Ethio-Semitic, but also in the Modern South Arabian languages. Two statements in the literature on Modern South Arabian, however, suggested to us that the original evidence needed to be re-investigated: first, some of the “ejectives” are described as at least partially voiced, not a phonetic impossibility, but so far unheard of in the phonological system of any language; and secondly, the degree of glottalization is frequently described as dependent on the phonological environment, although details of the environment in which emphatics are always realized as ejectives are not given. In this paper, we consider acoustic data from Mahriyōt (a Mehri dialect spoken in the easternmost province of Yemen), we examine descriptions of emphatics in other dialects of Mehri and other Modern South Arabian languages, we look at phonological environments in which emphatics are realized as ejectives and those in which they are not, and we conclude that the file on emphasis in these languages needs to be re-opened to fresh judgement

Lateral fricatives and lateral emphatics in southern Saudi Arabia and Mehri

Arabic was traditionally described as lughat al-Ρād ‘the language of Ρād’ due to the perceived unusualness of the sound. From Sībawayhi’s description, early Arabic Ρād was clearly a lateral or lateralized emphatic. Lateral fricatives are assumed to have formed part of the phoneme inventory of Proto-Semitic, and are attested in Modern South Arabian languages (MSAL) today. In Arabic, a lateral realization of Ρād continues to be attested in some recitations of the QurΜān. For Arabic, the lateral Ρād described by Sībawayhi was believed to be confined to dialects spoken in ДaΡramawt. Recent fieldwork by Asiri and al-Azraqi, however, has identified lateral and lateralized emphatics in dialects of southern ΚAsīr and the Saudi Tihāmah. These sounds differ across the varieties, both in their phonation (voicing) and manner of articulation — sonorants and voiced and voiceless fricatives — in their degree of laterality, and in their phonological behaviour: the lateralized Ρād in the southern Yemeni dialect of GhaylΉabbān, for example, has a non-lateralized allophone in the environment of /r/ or /l/. Recent phonetic work conducted by Watson on the Modern South Arabian language, Mehri, shows a similar range of cross-dialect variety in the realization of the lateral(ized) emphatic. In this paper, we discuss different reflexes of lateral(ized) emphatics in four dialects of the Saudi Tihāmah; we show that some of these dialects contrast cognates of *Ρ and *·; and we show that lateral emphatics attested in dialects of the Modern South Arabian language, Mehri, spoken in areas considerably to the south of the Saudi Tihāmah, show a similar degree of variation to that of the Arabic dialects of the Saudi Tihāmah

A Stratal OT Account of Word Stress in the Mehri of Bit Thuwar

In this paper, we provide a synchronic account of word stress in the Modern South Arabian language, Mehri, as spoken by members of the Bit Thuwar tribe. The data is taken from the first author’s own fieldwork working in Central Dhofar with members of the Bit Thuwar sub-tribes–Bit Iqhōr in Rabkut and parts of the mountains that receive the monsoon rains, and Bit Āmawsh in Dhahbun–with reference, where appropriate, to Johnstone (1987). This paper is a significant expansion and a partial revision of the short discussion on word stress in Watson (2012: 34–35). We begin with a brief background to Mehri within Modern South Arabian. We then discuss word stress patterns in Mehri, following Hayes’ (1995) metrical stress theory; here we show that Mehri is a head-first or trochaic language, namely that in (Cv)CvCv(C) forms, stress is placed on the left-most syllable. We show that in contrast to Arabic trochaic dialects, the domain of stress is the stem and the stem with stem-level suffixes rather than the entire prosodic word. The implications for this is that Mehri exhibits an opacity with regard to stress as seen in Arabic dialects in which three consonant clusters receive vowel epenthesis after the left-most consonant, as in: šuft-ha > šufitha ‘she said it f.’. (These are termed vC-dialects in Kiparsky 2003, so called due to the position of the epenthetic vowel in relation to the medial consonant in a sequence of three). By opacity, we mean that word stress is not assigned as would be predicted by the stress algorithm. In contrast to Arabic vC-dialects, however, opacity is due not to the interaction of epenthesis and syncope (cf. Kiparsky 2003), but rather to the lack of visibility of word-level suffixes to stress. In line with van Oostendorp’s (2002) analysis of unstressable suffixes in Dutch, we argue that word-level suffixes are invisible to stress because they are not incorporated into the prosodic word, but rather adjoined to it. The adoption of Kiparsky’s Stratal Optimality Theory approach enables us to capture Mehri stress assignment succinctly: stress is assigned at the stem-level according to weight and position, and suffixation of word-level suffixes can no longer affect stress assignment due to the high ranking of STRESSIDENT (Collie 2007), which requires stress to remain on the stressed syllable of the stem, and the low ranking of *ADJOIN, which mitigates against the adjunction of affixes to the prosodic word. We also show that Mehri exhibits limited lexical stress, and suggest that attempts to account for stress in these cases in terms of a quantity model on the part of many researchers, including the main author of the current paper, has led to the incorrect transcription and interpretation of these elements

A comparative analysis of the Arabic and English verb systems using a Quranic Arabic corpus

The Quranic Arabic corpus is one of the most important computational tools that has been produced in Arabic language service. Therefore, the main purpose of this papers is to provide some details of morphological and syntactic structures of Arabic and English verbs through deep computing studies of the Quran. The paper will also highlight some investigations into the use of a sub-verb corpus, along with translations, in order to consider how Quranic contexts employ verb forms to indicate time and how Arabic verbs are rendered into English

A Contrastive Study of the Arabic and English Verb Tense and Aspect A Corpus-Based Approach

There is so far only limited research that applies a corpus-based approach to the study of the Arabic language. The primary purpose of this paper is therefore to explore the verb systems of Arabic and English using the Quranic Arabic Corpus, focussing on their similarities and differences in tense and aspect as expressed by verb structures and their morphology. Understanding the use of different verb structures, participles, and auxiliary verbs that are used to indicate time and actions may be one way to improve translation quality between Arabic and English. In order to analyse these forms, a sub-corpus of two Arabic verb forms and their translations in English were created. The Arabic verbs and their English translations were then compared and analysed in terms of syntactic and morphological features. The following English translations of the Quran were used: Sahih International, Pickthall, Yusuf Ali, Shakir, Muhammad Sarwar, Mohsin Khan, Arberry. The analysis shows a considerable disagreement between the Arabic verb tense and aspect, and their translations. This suggests that translating Arabic verbs into English is fraught with difficulty. The analysis of the corpus data can be categorised and calculated and can then potentially be used to improve the translation between the two languages

Gesture in Modern South Arabian Languages: variation in multimodal constructions during task-based interaction

Until fairly recently most linguistic fieldwork relied on written records of spoken data or audio-only recordings. The recent increase in research focusing on audio-visual data, with emphasis on the co-expressiveness of speech and gesture, has led to a greater understanding of the relationship between language, gesture and thought. In this paper, we discuss gesture and what it illuminates linguistically in two Modern South Arabian Languages: Mehri and Śḥerɛ̄t