Dissipation in Open Two-Level Systems: Perturbation Theory and Polaron Transformation

We compare standard perturbation theory with the polaron transformation for non-linear transport of electrons through a two-level system. For weak electron-phonon coupling and large bias, there is good agreement between both approaches. This regime has recently been explored in experiments in double quantum dots.Comment: 4 pages, 1 figure, to appear in proceedings of MB1

Dynamics of a large-spin-boson system in the strong coupling regime

We investigate collective effects of an ensemble of biased two level systems interacting with a bosonic bath in the strong coupling regime. The two level systems are described by a large pseudo-spin J. An equation for the expectation value M(t) of the z-component of the pseudo spin is derived and solved numerically for an ohmic bath at T=0. In case of a large cut-off frequency of the spectral function, a Markov approximation is justified and an analytical solution is presented. We find that M(t) relaxes towards a highly correlated state with maximum value $\pm J$ for large times. However, this relaxation is extremely slow for most parameter values so as if the system was "frozen in" by interaction with the bosonic bath.Comment: 4 pages, 2 figures, to be published in proceedings of MB1

Transnational organised crime in West Africa: more than a problem of terrorism and law enforcement

The crisis in Mali has sharpened European awareness of the dangers posed by transnational organised crime in West Africa. The UN Stabilisation Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) set up in July 2013 will find itself confronted with the issue as well. But the problem of organised crime reaches far beyond the Sahel, and affects many coastal states in West Africa. Nor can it be reduced to the “crime-terror nexus” and the drug trade. Transnational criminal activities in the region are more diverse than that, the challenges more complex: from piracy in the Gulf of Guinea to illegal extraction of natural resources, cybercrime and human trafficking. Europe is directly affected by these developments as a market and target, and, moreover, has a strong interest in West African stability. So there are various reasons for addressing the problem. However, existing efforts by the European Union and other actors to improve law enforcement will fall short if they remain isolated. (author's abstract

Organized crime on the UN Security Council agenda: action against human trafficking reveals opportunities and challenges

On 7 June 2018, for the first time, a Committee of the United Nations Security Council placed individuals on a sanctions list for human trafficking. As part of the Libya sanc­tions regime, travel bans and asset freezes have been imposed on six individuals iden­tified as the main perpetrators of illegal activities relating to human trafficking and the smuggling of migrants. The European Union and the US have already implemented these UN sanctions. This response is an expression of the UN Security Council’s in­creased attention on transnational organized crime (TOC). For years, the number of resolutions relating to TOC, whether linked to drug or arms trafficking, piracy, kid­nappings or illegal trade in natural resources, has increased substantially. And the Security Council has repeatedly dealt with human trafficking in conflict situations since the end of 2015. The relevant decisions show what role the Security Council can play in addressing organized crime, but also where pitfalls lurk. As a non-permanent member of the Security Council in 2019/2020, Germany should advocate a systematic advancement of the agenda. (author's abstract

Organized crime and development: challenges and policy options in West Africa's fragile states

The development implications of transnational organized crime (TOC) have attracted growing attention in Germany and at the international level in recent years. Fragile and conflict-affected countries, which are generally regarded as especially vulnerable to TOC and its impacts, are a particular focus of interest. In the development policy debate, it has long been recognized that TOC and criminal violence are among the reasons why most fragile states have not achieved the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). For this reason, too, the development community has no option but to deal with the issue of organized crime and the risks that it poses to fragile states. Organized crime is a cross-cutting issue, not merely a security problem. Indeed, the development community is already dealing with TOC or TOC-relevant sectors more often than is generally assumed - whether in bilateral programmes to promote alternative development in drug cultivation areas or when supporting the establishment of sustainable fishing and forestry sectors in partner countries. The analysis of illicit economies in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea shows that the threats posed by TOC change over time and that their impacts vary across sectors. In conditions of fragile statehood, TOC can act as an external stressor, an economy of violence, a form of state capture, and/or a world of existence/survival. The corresponding threats can be systematically analyzed in order to identify entry points and trade-offs in the development community's engagement with TOC. (author's abstract

From war to illicit economies: organized crime and state-building in Liberia and Sierra Leone

Liberia and Sierra Leone are commonly categorized as fragile and conflict-affected states. They are seen as being particularly vulnerable to organized crime due to deficiencies in their criminal justice systems and having insufficient control of their borders. But they also have emerged from peace processes combining state-building with the transformation of war economies. These were strongly based on the competing control of resources such as diamonds, gold, and timber by armed groups and state agents. A closer look at the illicit economies in both countries today reveals the legacy of these war economies and new dynamics that emerged with West Africa becoming a transit zone for South American cocaine destined for Europe. Although the organization of crime differs between sectors, the way it is tied to state-building and power structures in Liberia and Sierra Leone is quite similar. Surely, porous borders and a lack of regulation and effective law enforcement are real in both countries. But often organized criminal activities are linked to the very state that is supposed to build and defend the (reformed) framework of legality. Furthermore, certain components of illicit economies have important implications for development. Therefore, responses to organized crime need to be carefully crafted and should generally apply selective law enforcement measures combined with broader governance reforms and development-related initiatives addressing livelihood, health, and environmental issues. (Autorenreferat

Containing illicit flows at African borders: pitfalls for Europe

The recent rise in migration to Europe has put borders and their security back on the political agenda of the European Union and its member states. Alongside stricter control of the Union’s external borders, border security also plays a growing role in cooperation with third states. The action plan adopted by European and African heads of state and government at the Valletta summit on migration in November 2015 includes assistance for strengthening national capacities at land, air and sea borders. In particular in the immediate southern neighbourhood, this support is intended to contribute to stemming irregular migration and human smuggling. European programmes to combat illicit flows and organised crime at borders outside the EU have existed for some time, for example to interrupt cocaine smuggling via West Africa. The experience to date reveals potential pitfalls of this approach and underlines the necessity to think beyond technical border management. (author's abstract

Fresh impetus for West African drug policy: opportunities for new partnerships in the wake of UNGASS

Almost two decades after the proclamation of the goal of a "drug-free world", the global illicit drug trade is flourishing. The markets and routes, however, are constantly changing, confronting countries and regions with an array of new challenges. West African countries in particular are no longer merely transit zones for cocaine or heroin. Yet they played virtually no role in the preparations for the Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly on the World Drug Problem (UNGASS) in late April 2016. Nonetheless, the UNGASS process has injected fresh momentum into the drug policy debate within the region. This offers starting points for new partnerships, particularly with Europe, since various West African countries and organizations have moved closer to the EU's comparatively progressive drug policy position. For genuine change, however, there needs to be not only a shift away from the still predominantly repressive approaches applied by national governments in West Africa, but also a rethink of European security sector programmes. (author's abstract