From Talent to Creative City: Towards a conceptual framework

The creative class approach (Florida, 2002b) has led to many developments. Therefore, measurement of creativity (Chantelot, 2010), economic influence of creative people in urban (Marlet & Van Woerkens, 2007) and rural (McGranahan & Wojan, 2007) environments, or creative people geography (Chantelot & al., 2010) and factors that shape it (Boshma & Fritsch, 2009) have been investigated. Increasingly, these works tend to substitute static considerations (who and where are creative people?) to dynamic approaches (what do the creative people?). Creativity mainly comes from talent (Florida, 2002a) but creative production is generated through collective process where social interactions, learning and diffusion of ideas predominate (Cohendet & Simon, 2008). The transition from individual to collective process particularly appears to be driven by cities, defined as privileged theaters of creativity (Hall, 1998). Hence, cities managing to convert micro or individuals ideas to macro or collective outputs can be defined as “creative citiesâ€. It sheds light on the determinant role of cities in attracting, organizing and producing creative people in order to experience virtuous path of economic competitiveness (Lucas, 1988). This communication aims to give a conceptual framework to characterize creative cities. At the urban level, it formalizes the micro / macro transition: micro level consists in talent, which includes both individuals with a creative profession directly involved in the production of innovations, new knowledge and ideas - both related to the industrial or scientific sphere (the 'creative core') and arts (the Bohemians) - or in its implementation and management on the market (the 'creative professionals' - ibid.). Therefore, the aim is to connect creative or innovative clusters of firms (where creative pro and core mainly work) with creative urban districts characterized by intense cultural and artistic, driven by Bohemians, and places of socialization and urban regeneration. This connection can be ensured by a meso level characterized by the presence of communities that facilitate the micro/macro-ideas transition to the market. The definition of these three different levels, the construction of their measure, and the way to identify their respective roles and interactions that shape the creative city structure the dynamic conceptual model we propose here.

From talent to creative cities: toward a conceptual framework

The creative class approach (Florida, 2002b) has led to many developments. Therefore, measurement of creativity (Chantelot, 2010), economic influence of creative people in urban (Marlet & Van Woerkens, 2007) and rural (McGranahan & Wojan, 2007) environments, or creative people geography (Chantelot & al., 2010) and factors that shape it (Boshma & Fritsch, 2009) have been investigated. Increasingly, these works tend to substitute static considerations (who and where are creative people?) to dynamic approaches (what do the creative people?). Creativity mainly comes from talent (Florida, 2002a) but creative production is generated through collective process where social interactions, learning and diffusion of ideas predominate (Cohendet & Simon, 2008). The transition from individual to collective process particularly appears to be driven by cities, defined as privileged theaters of creativity (Hall, 1998). Hence, cities managing to convert micro or individuals ideas to macro or collective outputs can be defined as "creative cities". It sheds light on the determinant role of cities in attracting, organizing and producing creative people in order to experience virtuous path of economic competitiveness (Lucas, 1988). This communication aims to give a conceptual framework to characterize creative cities. At the urban level, it formalizes the micro / macro transition: micro level consists in talent, which includes both individuals with a creative profession directly involved in the production of innovations, new knowledge and ideas - both related to the industrial or scientific sphere (the 'creative core') and arts (the Bohemians) - or in its implementation and management on the market (the 'creative professionals' - ibid.). Therefore, the aim is to connect creative or innovative clusters of firms (where creative pro and core mainly work) with creative urban districts characterized by intense cultural and artistic, driven by Bohemians, and places of socialization and urban regeneration. This connection can be ensured by a meso level characterized by the presence of communities that facilitate the micro/macro-ideas transition to the market. The definition of these three different levels, the construction of their measure, and the way to identify their respective roles and interactions that shape the creative city structure the dynamic conceptual model we propose here

Three dimensions of regional integration process in Europe: an approach by spatial econometrics (In French)

Whereas the process of integration economic is accentuated in Europe, regional integration dynamics of space seems to be a crucial issue. Reflexions engaged, in particular through the SDEC, aim at promoting a voluntarist policy of polycentric adjustment of European space. Thus we are led to consider both structuration and regional integration dynamics of this space. An inventive use of the most recent tools of spatial econometrics makes possible to appreciate and to quantify the concerned processes. More particularly, we seek to improve the modelization of the interactions between areas.Regional Integration of spaces, spatial econometrics, concentration, polycentrism

Valérie Nègre (dir.), L’Art du chantier. Construire et démolir du xvie au xxie siècle

Valérie Nègre propose dans ce catalogue d’exposition une histoire du « chantier en représentation », soit plusieurs regards sur les ateliers nommés chantiers depuis le xixe siècle, lieux de création ou de démolition d’architectures constituant les cadres de vie des sociétés. Le chantier est appréhendé comme fait culturel et social, comme volonté collective représentée, mais sans prétendre à l’exhaustivité. Trois parties structurent l’ouvrage : les mises en scène des progrès de la technique, l..

Georgia Santangelo dir., Les maîtres de l’eau, d’Archimède à la machine de Marly

La publication de ce bel ouvrage magnifiquement illustré de documents d’archives accompagnait une exposition qui se déroula au Musée-Promenade de Marly-le-roi/Louveciennes du 4 mars au 30 juillet 2006. La machine de Marly, conçue pour satisfaire le souhait de Louis XIV de « faire de l’eau de ses jardins le miroir de sa puissance », est au cœur des neuf contributions rassemblées dans ce livre mais le lecteur est aussi invité à parcourir les siècles en embrassant l’historique des machines à eau..

The geography of French creative class: An exploratory spatial data analysis

This paper analyses the creative class geography in France, in 2006. This geography is seen here through the lens of Explanatory Spatial Data Analysis (ESDA). This method brings originality to the question of creative people geography in addition to the spatial context, France, where this question hasn’t been deepened yet. Methodology allows measurement of spatial agglomeration degree and identification of creative people location patterns. First, by computing locational Gini index and Moran’s I statistic of global spatial autocorrelation. These measures provide an overview of the spatial distribution of creative people among French districts and the existence of some hotspot regions with strong dynamic of creative people accumulation. Second, Exploratory Spatial Data Analysis (ESDA) tools, such as Moran scatterplot and LISA statistics, allow to identify district clusters of creative people. It leads to evidence that creative people are unevenly geographically distributed across French districts. District clusters of creative occupations result from spreading of French largest cities influence.Creative class, ESDA, location patterns, spatial autocorrelation, French districts

Anne Conchon, La corvée des grands chemins au xviiie siècle. Économie d’une institution

Cet ouvrage tend à faire le point sur une institution instaurée en France au xviiie siècle, la corvée royale, afin de réaliser le vaste projet de construction des routes du royaume. Après un premier chapitre qui étudie la création de la corvée royale, le second analyse le fonctionnement de cette réquisition. Cette prestation en travail exigée de tous les riverains des tracés des grands chemins dans les pays d’élections se met en place à la suite des décisions politiques et des règlements admi..

La construction du militaire. Savoirs et savoir-faire militaires à l’époque moderne | Les savoirs de l’ingénieur militaire et l’édition de manuels, cours et cahiers d’exercices (1751-1914)

Ces deux ouvrages consacrés aux savoirs et aux savoir-faire des militaires et des ingénieurs militaires témoignent de l’intérêt porté depuis quelques années par les chercheurs à la formation aux différents métiers et à leur transmission par l’apprentissage, l’enseignement et la lecture. Ces deux publications rassemblent les textes des communications proposées lors de journées d’étude. La première publication concerne les étapes du séminaire « Guerre et société à l’époque moderne », ouvert dep..

Savoirs d’ingénieur acquis auprès de Vauban, savoirs prisés par les Anglais ?

Les ingénieurs ont progressivement acquis, dans la France du XVIIe siècle, un statut et des compétences recherchées par les princes étrangers. Leur mobilité est fréquente, qu’elle soit provoquée par des raisons conjoncturelles ou personnelles. Ainsi, Guillaume d’Orange, stathouder des Provinces-Unies puis roi d’Angleterre et ennemi de Louis XIV, va tenter de les attirer à son service. Jean Thomas, jeune huguenot formé à la cartographie, à la fortification, à l’hydrographie et à l’art du siège par le célèbre ingénieur de Louis XIV, Vauban, va-t-il réussir à faire carrière en Angleterre en monnayant ses savoirs, après avoir déserté pour conserver sa religion ? D’espérances en désillusions, il apprend à ses dépens que pour réussir et imposer ses talents de fortificateur, il doit obtenir des protections dans un pays qui a fait le choix de la défense maritime, et il ne pourra donner la mesure de son savoir-faire qu’en Irlande et à la fin de sa vie, dans la jeune colonie américaine de Géorgie. L’intérêt de la noblesse anglaise pour les savoirs techniques de la fortification à la française n’a pas permis à Jean Thomas de dépasser son statut de migrant français en Angleterre.In 17th century France engineers progressively achieved a status and skills sought by foreign princes. Either for personal reasons or because of circumstances they frequently moved abroad. Thus, William of Orange of the United Provinces then King of England and foe of Louis the XIVth endeavoured to attract them to his service. Could Jean Thomas, a young Huguenot trained in cartography, fortification, hydrography and the art of siege manage to make a career in England by making money of his skills after deserting to stick to his religion ? Torn between expectations and disappointments, he learnt at his own expenses that to be successful and to impose his talent for fortification he needed to secure protections in a country which had opted for maritime defence. The eventually showed the full extent of his skills only in Ireland and by the end of his life in the young American colony of Georgia. The interest of the English gentry for the technical skills of fortification « à la française » did not allow Jean Thomas to raise above his status of French migrant in England

Savoirs d’ingénieur acquis auprès de Vauban, savoirs prisés par les Anglais ?

Les ingénieurs ont progressivement acquis, dans la France du XVIIe siècle, un statut et des compétences recherchées par les princes étrangers. Leur mobilité est fréquente, qu’elle soit provoquée par des raisons conjoncturelles ou personnelles. Ainsi, Guillaume d’Orange, stathouder des Provinces-Unies puis roi d’Angleterre et ennemi de Louis XIV, va tenter de les attirer à son service. Jean Thomas, jeune huguenot formé à la cartographie, à la fortification, à l’hydrographie et à l’art du siège par le célèbre ingénieur de Louis XIV, Vauban, va-t-il réussir à faire carrière en Angleterre en monnayant ses savoirs, après avoir déserté pour conserver sa religion ? D’espérances en désillusions, il apprend à ses dépens que pour réussir et imposer ses talents de fortificateur, il doit obtenir des protections dans un pays qui a fait le choix de la défense maritime, et il ne pourra donner la mesure de son savoir-faire qu’en Irlande et à la fin de sa vie, dans la jeune colonie américaine de Géorgie. L’intérêt de la noblesse anglaise pour les savoirs techniques de la fortification à la française n’a pas permis à Jean Thomas de dépasser son statut de migrant français en Angleterre.In 17th century France engineers progressively achieved a status and skills sought by foreign princes. Either for personal reasons or because of circumstances they frequently moved abroad. Thus, William of Orange of the United Provinces then King of England and foe of Louis the XIVth endeavoured to attract them to his service. Could Jean Thomas, a young Huguenot trained in cartography, fortification, hydrography and the art of siege manage to make a career in England by making money of his skills after deserting to stick to his religion ? Torn between expectations and disappointments, he learnt at his own expenses that to be successful and to impose his talent for fortification he needed to secure protections in a country which had opted for maritime defence. The eventually showed the full extent of his skills only in Ireland and by the end of his life in the young American colony of Georgia. The interest of the English gentry for the technical skills of fortification « à la française » did not allow Jean Thomas to raise above his status of French migrant in England