MULTIPLE AGREEMENT CONSTRUCTIONS: A MACRO-COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF PSEUDO-COORDINATION WITH THE MOTION VERB GO IN THE ARABIC AND SICILIAN DIALECTS

I discuss some syntactic properties of GO in verbal Pseudo-Coordination, in which it is followed by an inflected lexical verb and preceded by an optional connecting element. Following the analysis in Cardinaletti and Giusti (2001, 2003), I consider examples from different Sicilian varieties to show that the ones from the Eastern Coast (Di Caro 2015), where GO can become grammaticalized as an aspect marker and thus lose its argument structure and its semantics of motion, are reminiscent of some Multiple Agreement Constructions displayed by most Arabic dialects (Jarad 2014). In both groups of languages, the grammaticalized GO can also occur in an invariant and phonetically eroded version. In the macro-comparison I am proposing, I suggest language contact between Arabs/Berbers and the indigenous people in Sicily from 9th to 13th century as a factor in the productivity of Sicilian Pseudo-Coordination as an isolated case in the Romance domai

Pseudo-Coordination and Multiple Agreement Constructions

Verbal Pseudo-Coordination (as in English ‘go and get’) has been described for a number of individual languages, but this is the first edited volume to emphasize this topic from a comparative perspective, and in connection to Multiple Agreement Constructions more generally. The chapters include detailed analyses of Romance, Germanic, Slavic and other languages. These contributions show important cross-linguistic similarities in these constructions, as well as their diversity, providing insights into areas such as the morphology-syntax and syntax-semantics interfaces, dialectal variation and language contact. This volume establishes Pseudo-Coordination as a descriptively important and theoretically challenging cross-linguistic phenomenon among Multiple Agreement Constructions and will be of interest for specialists in individual languages as well as typologists and theoreticians, serving as a foundation to promote continued research

Inchoativity and mirativity in Italo-Romance and Balkan Slavic verbal periphrases. : the cases of functional GO and TAKE

This paper investigates the properties of GO and TAKE used as functional verbs to express the beginning of an action or a state (inchoativity) or a sense of surprise, wonder, astonishment, or regret (mirativity) as found in a group of multiple verb constructions, in a macro-comparative perspective. Multiple Agreement Constructions (V1+mi/mu/da/če+V2[+finite]) and Pseudo-Coordination (V1+'and'+V2[+finite]) are considered in Italo-Romance (Italian and Sicilian) and Balkan Slavic (Bulgarian), together with the Italo-Romance Infinitival Construction (V1+a+V2[-finite]), drawing from novel fieldwork data and online corpus data. GO and TAKE generally proved to be highly productive as both inchoative and mirative markers in all the languages considered. In particular, an analysis of cases in which these two functional verbs convey (to different degrees) both functions at once is provided, relying on the cognitive basis underlying the process of their grammaticalisation

Chapter 4. Preterite indicative Pseudo-Coordination and morphomic patterns

This paper discusses the paradigmatic configuration (or ‘morphome’; Aronoff 1994) that Pseudo-Coordination (V1[TAM.Agr] a V2[TAM.Agr], as in Jivu a ffici la spisa. ‘I went to do the shopping.’) displays in the preterite indicative in Deliano: i.e. the ‘W-Pattern’ (Di Caro 2019a; Di Caro and Giusti 2018). In the first part, the suppletive nature of the preterite paradigm of the V2s licensing this construction is discussed. These V2s all feature perfective roots (i.e. PYTA roots; Maiden 2018), such as fici ‘I made/did’ and dissi ‘I said’, which are the ones allowed in the construction, and imperfective roots, such as facisti ‘you (sg.) made/did’ and dicisti ‘you (sg.) said’. In the second part, new data from a grammaticality judgement-based study on Pseudo-Coordination in Deliano are discussed, with reference to the emergence of the W-Pattern in a specific paradigm. The results clearly show that this morphome is consistently present throughout the sample (11-80 y.o. participants, N=140) and has a “psychological reality” (cf. Maiden 2018b: 1-10), in the sense that it does not seem to be affected by variables such as age or gender, or to be subject to ordering effects

Perifrasi verbali deontiche e paradigmi difettivi nel dialetto di Delia

In the present paper a case of paradigmatic defectiveness in a Sicilian verbal periphrasis, the AICo (Aviri a + Infinitive Construction), is discussed. In its deontic use, the AICo can appear in the indicative preterite with a fully-fledged paradigm or with some restrictions ruling out the second persons. These restrictions are linked to the alternance of perfective (and rhizotonic) and imperfective (and arhizotonic) roots within the preterite paradigm of some verbs, a phenomenon well known for Italo-Romance varieties at the level of single verb inflection (cf. Maiden 2000, 2001a, b). Following Aronoff (1994), this distribution of allomorphs in the same paradigm is referred to as ‘morphome’. The morphomic pattern at stake here is the ‘W-Pattern’ (cf. Di Caro 2018). Aim of the present paper is to show that for a verbal periphrasis to behave as a single verb in terms of preterite paradigmatic restrictions, two conditions are necessary: I) the monoclausality of the periphrasis; II) the presence of perfective rhizotonic roots in the finite verb of the periphrasis. In support to this claim, the case of another Sicilian periphrasis featuring the W-Pattern, namely Pseudo-Coordination is considered

On Pseudo-Coordination in the province of Catania

This paper discusses the preliminary results of an exploratory study based on acceptability judgments about Pseudo-Coordination (PseCo) as found in the province of Catania (Sicily). PseCo is a monoclausal verbal periphrasis where an inflected verb (V1), usually of motion, is followed by another inflected verb (V2) with an optional connecting element between them (cf. Giusti, Di Caro and Ross 2022). In western Sicilian varieties, the V1 GO can occur as an invariable form (i.e., va-, vo-, uo-, o- as in Oppigghju u pani 'I go and fetch the bread') prefixed to the V2. An online anonymous questionnaire was administered to 295 participants (180 female, 115 male; Age M: 20,95 years, Age SD: 2,73 years) to assess whether (i) PseCo with V1 GO in the present indicative is productive among younger speakers; (ii) different forms of invariable V1 GO can cooccur in one and the same variety. The results show that PseCo in the province of Catania is still vital among younger generation of speakers and that invariable V1 GO generally occurs in at least two different forms but with no particular semantic specialization

Chapter 1. Pseudo-Coordination and Multiple Agreement Constructions

This introductory chapter provides background on the phenomena of Pseudo-Coordination (PseCo) and Multiple Agreement Constructions (MACs) with the aim of familiarizing readers with major trends in previous research on these varied phenomena. Common structural and functional properties used to identify PseCo and MACs are described, along with a detailed discussion of the features that make crucial differences within each phenomenon in individual languages and cross-linguistically. We also observe interesting similarities between the two phenomena and across related and unrelated languages. We maintain a pre-theoretical view here that is compatible with the different approaches represented in the volume

Anomalous evolution of the near-side jet peak shape in Pb–Pb collisions at √sNN = 2.76 TeV

The measurement of two-particle angular correlations is a powerful tool to study jet quenching in a pT region inaccessible by direct jet identification. In these measurements pseudorapidity (Δη) and azimuthal (Δφ) differences are used to extract the shape of the near-side peak formed by particles associated to a higher pT trigger particle (1<pT,trig< 8 GeV/c). A combined fit of the near-side peak and long-range correlations is applied to the data allowing the extraction of the centrality evolution of the peak shape in Pb-Pb collisions at sNN−−−√ = 2.76 TeV. A significant broadening of the peak in the Δη direction at low pT is found from peripheral to central collisions, which vanishes above 4 GeV/c, while in the Δφ direction the peak is almost independent of centrality. For the 10% most central collisions and 1<pT,assoc< 2 GeV/c, 1<pT,trig< 3 GeV/c a novel feature is observed: a depletion develops around the centre of the peak. The results are compared to pp collisions at the same centre of mass energy and to AMPT model simulations. The comparison to the investigated models suggests that the broadening and the development of the depletion is connected to the strength of radial and longitudinal flow

Measurement of electrons from beauty-hadron decays in p–Pb collisions at √sNN = 5.02 TeV and Pb–Pb collisions at √sNN = 2.76 TeV

The production of beauty hadrons was measured via semi-leptonic decays at mid-rapidity with the ALICE detector at the LHC in the transverse momentum interval 1<pT<8 GeV/c in minimum-bias p-Pb collisions at sNN−−−√=5.02 TeV and in 1.3<pT<8 GeV/c in the 20% most central Pb-Pb collisions at sNN−−−√=2.76 TeV. The pp reference spectra at s√=5.02 TeV and s√=2.76 TeV, needed for the calculation of the nuclear modification factors RpPb and RPbPb, were obtained by a pQCD-driven scaling of the cross section of electrons from beauty-hadron decays measured at s√=7 TeV. In the pT interval 3<pT<8 GeV/c a suppression of the yield of electrons from beauty-hadron decays is observed in Pb-Pb compared to pp collisions. Towards lower pT, the RPbPb values increase with large systematic uncertainties. The RpPb is consistent with unity within systematic uncertainties and is well described by theoretical calculations that include cold nuclear matter effects in p-Pb collisions. The measured RpPb and these calculations indicate that cold nuclear matter effects are small at high transverse momentum also in Pb-Pb collisions. Therefore, the observed reduction of RPbPb below unity at high pT may be ascribed to an effect of the hot and dense medium formed in Pb-Pb collisions