45 research outputs found
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Basic Facts About Food Insecurity Among Children in the United States, 2008
According to the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA), food security is defined as having, “dependable access to enough food for active, healthy living.” Conversely, food insecurity, or the lack of consistent access to adequate food, means that the “the food intake of one or more household members was reduced and their eating patterns were disrupted at times during the year because the household lacked money and other resources for food.” The USDA classifies households by the level of food insecurity they have experienced (for example, low or very low food security). The food insecurity status of households with children is further classified by whether it affects only adults or whether it affects children and by the level of food insecurity among the children
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Who Are America‘s Poor Children? Examining Food Insecurity Among Children in the United States
Fourteen million children live in poor families (that is, families with income below the federal poverty level, which is $22,050 a year for a family of four in 2009). There is a wide body of research documenting the importance of family income for children‘s health and well-being. Yet, research suggests that families with income twice the poverty threshold experience as many material hardships as poor families, such as food insecurity, inadequate housing, and insufficient health care. These findings are alarming and underscore the degree to which income-based measures of impoverishment mask experiences with material deprivation that are widespread and transcend the standard thresholds that define poverty. The focus of this report is on one type of material hardship — food insecurity — highlighting an important, but sometimes overlooked, dimension of impoverishment. This topic has taken on added significance recently as overall wealth in the United States is on the rise while record numbers of Americans are experiencing food insecurity, or the lack of consistent access to adequate food. Children exposed to food insecurity are of particular concern given the implications scarce food resources pose to children‘s health and well-being. Using data from the 2008 Current Population Survey Food Security Supplement, this report examines what is known about food insecurity among children in the United States today, why this social problem warrants our attention, and the policy solutions that might help families minimize the degree to which they and their children experience this material hardship. In the first section, we define the concept and measurement of food insecurity and assess the proportion of households with children who are food insecure today and how that has changed over the last decade. Next we examine the population of households with food insecurity among children — assessing the causes and consequences associated with this material hardship. The report closes with a discussion of public policy approaches to relieve food insecurity
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Basic Facts About Low-income Children, 2008: Children Aged 6-11
Children represent 25 percent of the population. Yet, 41 percent of all children live in low-income families and nearly one in every five live in poor families. Our very youngest children, infants and toddlers under age 3, appear to be particularly vulnerable with 44 percent living in low-income and 22 percent living in poor families. Winding up in a low-income or poor family does not happen by chance. There are significant factors related to children's experiences with economic insecurity, such as race/ethnicity and parents' education and employment. This fact sheet describes the demographic, socio-economic, and geographic characteristics of infants and toddlers and their parents — highlighting the important factors that appear to distinguish low-income and poor children in this age group from their less disadvantaged counterparts
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Basic Facts About Low-income Children, 2008: Children Under Age 3
Children represent 25 percent of the population. Yet, 41 percent of all children live in low-income families and nearly one in every five live in poor families. Our very youngest children, infants and toddlers under age 3, appear to be particularly vulnerable with 44 percent living in low-income and 22 percent living in poor families. Winding up in a low-income or poor family does not happen by chance. There are significant factors related to children's experiences with economic insecurity, such as race/ethnicity and parents' education and employment. This fact sheet describes the demographic, socio-economic, and geographic characteristics of infants and toddlers and their parents — highlighting the important factors that appear to distinguish low-income and poor children in this age group from their less disadvantaged counterparts
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La patologización de la conducta: discursos asistenciales acerca del trastorno disocial
En los últimos años, nuestra sociedad ha asistido al crecimiento del número de diagnósticos de diferentes tipos de trastornos de conducta entre la población infantil y adolescente. Desde diferentes disciplinas, principalmente del ámbito de la salud y la educación, diversos autores han investigado las causas de este fenómeno, así como las posibles soluciones. Sin embargo, a menudo estos estudios han dejado de lado el papel de un actor esencial en el proceso terapéutico: el experto. Con la idea de desnaturalizar los discursos a partir de los cuales se patologiza el comportamiento y se prescriben pautas para su transformación, en este trabajo el foco se centrará precisamente en las experiencias y perspectivas de trabajadores del circuito asistencial, buscando analizar sus definiciones de salud y enfermedad, la relación que establecen entre la patología y el contexto cercano y amplio y la identidad que atribuyen al paciente. Para ello, he decidido centrarme en el trastorno disocial, un diagnóstico aplicado a las poblaciones más jóvenes, que se determina a partir de criterios basados en la observación de agentes externos al paciente, no tanto de su propia experiencia subjetiva, y que se ha mostrado profundamente condicionado por el contexto cercano del individuo, revelando su carácter de categoría cultural
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A Profile of Disconnected Young Adults in 2010
The purpose of this report is to highlight a growing segment of the population who are arriving at young adulthood disconnected from the main pathways leading to economic independence. Arriving at young adulthood in a state of disconnection can have consequences for both young adults and the larger society. Young adults who have low educational attainment or who are out of school or unemployed for extended periods of time may be more likely to engage in delinquent behavior, turn to illegal activities as a source of income, and be incarcerated. The consequences of disconnection may also result in long-term penalties, such as underemployment and lower earnings over the life course. Young adults disconnected for three or more years are about 14 times more likely to be poor and earn about two and one half times less in earnings and are about two to three times less likely to be employed full-time than young adults who had never been disconnected. Disconnectedness experienced during young adulthood may also have serious health consequences. Research shows that different components of disconnectedness, such as having less than high school education or being unemployed is associated with suboptimal health and mental health outcomes. Furthermore, disconnected young adults are more likely to rely on some form of public assistance. Thus, the costs of disconnection to government can include increased transfer payments and social support expenses as well as a decrease in tax revenues from their lack of participation in the labor market. In short, this population deserves our attention given the long-term consequences being disconnected can pose for a successful transition to adulthood
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Basic Facts About Low-income Children, 2009: Children Aged 6 through 11
Children represent 25 percent of the population. Yet, they comprise 36 percent of all people in poverty. Among children, 42 percent live in low-income families and 21 percent live in poor families. Among children ages 6 through 11 in middle childhood, 42 percent live in low-income families and 20 percent live in poor families. Winding up in a low-income or poor family does not happen by chance. There are significant factors related to children's experiences with economic insecurity, such as race/ethnicity and parents' education and employment. This fact sheet describes the demographic, socioeconomic, and employment characteristics of children in middle childhood and their parents — highlighting the important factors that appear to distinguish low-income and poor children in this age group from their less disadvantaged counterparts
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Basic Facts About Low-income Children, 2009: Children Under Age 6
Children represent 25 percent of the population. Yet, they comprise 36 percent of all people in poverty. Among children, 42 percent live in low-income families and nearly one in every five live in poor families. Young children under age 6 appear to be particularly vulnerable with 46 percent living in low-income and 24 percent living in poor families. Winding up in a low-income or poor family does not happen by chance. There are significant factors related to children's experiences with economic insecurity, such as race/ethnicity and parents' education and employment. This fact sheet describes the demographic, socioeconomic, and geographic characteristics of young children and their parents — highlighting the important factors that appear to distinguish low-income and poor children in this age group from their less disadvantaged counterparts
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Racial Gaps in Early Childhood: Socio-emotional Health, Developmental, and Educational Outcomes Among African-American Boys
The aims of this study are to examine racial gaps in cognitive and socio-emotional development among boys in early childhood and to identify factors that contribute to early resilience among African-American boys. Our main research questions include: What racial gaps emerge across cognitive and socio-emotional development in early childhood among African-American infant, toddler, preschooler, and kindergarten boys and white-American boys? Do these gaps remain after controlling for family socio-economic status (SES) and other child, family, and home environment characteristics? What factors contribute to early resilience and buffer against these risks among African-American boys? A wealth of literature documents racial gaps and poor outcomes of school-age African-American children across a range of domains, including educational achievement measured by indicators such as test scores and rates of school exclusion. African-American children and youth are two-to-three times more likely to be suspended from schools. In particular, African-American boys perform poorly compared with white boys or African-American girls in different educational outcomes. Data from 2003 to 2009 indicate that by fourth grade, African-American boys in public schools score about 30 points lower in reading than white boys, and this gap remains at eighth grade. Research also shows a similar trend in mathematic achievement. At fourth grade, African-American boys score about 30 points lower than white boys and the gap increases to close to 40 points by eighth grade. African-American boys also lag behind their female counterparts. While girls in general perform better in K-12 and in higher education than boys, gender differences among African-American groups are larger than among other groups. African-American women account for 62 percent of all African-American undergraduates and two-thirds of those who earn an associate‘s degree. An increasing number of research studies emphasize the importance of early childhood in determining one‘s adult socio-economic outcomes. Early childhood development can have a long-term impact on later school achievement. Yet, less information is available on the early emergence of gaps across a range of cognitive and socio-emotional outcomes. For optimal personal and collective development of children and adolescents, five developmental domain factors are considered important: identity, emotion, social, cognition, and physical health. While early childhood is a critical stage, research rarely compares the racial gap across different outcomes during early childhood stages from nine months to kindergarten. Specifically, at nine and 24 months African-American boys score lower on cognitive assessments, manifest poorer health outcomes, and exhibit less secure attachments. The factors that contribute to these early gaps or that are protective against poor outcomes are less clearly understood. Thus, it is important to identify when and how racial disparities among African-American and white boys emerge in early childhood and to examine factors that can contribute to early resilience
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Basic Facts About Low-income Children, 2009: Children Under Age 18
Children represent 25 percent of the population. Yet, they comprise 36 percent of all people in poverty. Among children, 42 percent live in low-income families and approximately one in every five live in poor families. Winding up in a low-income or poor family does not happen by chance. There are significant factors related to children's experiences with economic insecurity, such as race/ethnicity and parents' education and employment. This fact sheet describes the demographic, socio-economic, and geographic characteristics of children and their parents — highlighting the important factors that appear to distinguish low-income and poor children from their less disadvantaged counterparts