The discipline of fear: The securitisation of International Relations post-9/11 in historical perspective

Este artículo sostiene que las Relaciones Internacionales como disciplina académica (RRII) han entrado a formar parte de una creciente preocupación con la “seguridad” tras el 11 de septiembre. Esto no siempre ha sido así, e incluso actualmente existen también teorías alternativas dentro de la corriente principal de la disciplina. Sin embargo, la perspectiva de la seguridad estuvo determinada por dos momentos concretos en los que el miedo a un ataque inminente sobre Estados Unidos y sus aliados se articuló de manera muy dramática. El primero tuvo lugar entre la constitución original de la disciplina durante los años de entreguerras y el asedio de posguerra hacia la URSS. Aquí el papel de las RRII fue definir como racional la asunción de un ataque nuclear sorpresa, equiparando a la URSS como estado “totalitario” similar a las potencias del Eje, una de las cuales atacó Pearl Harbour. El segundo puede situarse en la década de los setenta cuando la amenaza de la revuelta del Tercer Mundo bajo el estandarte de la liberación nacional fue rebautizada como “terrorismo internacional” promovido por la extrema derecha y los militaristas israelíes en Estados Unidos, creando de esta manera una continuidad entre la supuesta amenaza soviética y los casos pos-soviéticos de revuelta antioccidental. De todo ello el artículo concluye que las RRII han servido para colocar a políticos y líderes de opinión bajo una “disciplina de miedo” que es insuficientemente reconocida, y menos aún retada por parte de investigadores de RRIIThis paper argues that International Relations as an academic discipline (IR) since 9/11 has become part of a growing preoccupation with ‘security’. This has not always been the case, and still today there are alternative theorisations also within the mainstream of the discipline. The security perspective however was shaped by two particular junctures in which the fear of impending attack on the USA and its allies was articulated at its most dramatic. The first occurred between the original establishment of the discipline in the interwar years and the postwar siege laid on the USSR. Here the role of IR was to define as rational the assumption of a nuclear surprise attack, equating the USSR as a ‘totalitarian’ state similar to the Axis Powers, one of which did attack Pearl Harbour. The second can be traced back to the 1970s when the threat of Third World revolt under the banner of national liberation was re-baptised ‘international terrorism’ at the instigation of the Israeli Far Right and militarists in the US, thus creating a continuity between the supposed Soviet threat and post-Soviet instances of anti-Western revolt. From this the paper concludes that IR has functioned to place policy-makers and opinion leaders under a ‘discipline of fear’ which is insufficiently recognized, let alone challenged by IR scholar

Modes de relations étrangères. Élargir le champ des relations internationales

De la même manière que l’étude de l’économie se sera développée en distinguant entre différents modes de production, l’étude des relations internationales pourrait elle aussi profiter d’une distinction entre modes de relations étrangères. De cette manière, l’étude des relations internationales pourrait peut-être être sauvée d’une virtuelle non-pertinence dans un monde au sein duquel les frontières de l’État apparaissent de plus en plus perméables, sauf pour les pauvres. Ainsi la préhistoire du système d’États westphalien, qui est partout autour de nous, pourrait-elle être plus convenablement intégrée dans notre compréhension de la politique mondiale et de l’économie politique mondiale. Dans cet article, deux modes de relations étrangères seront distingués : les relations tribales et les relations entre empire et nomades. Nous avancerons que loin d’avoir été dépassés par l’histoire des relations internationales, ces modes peuvent toujours éclairer la réalité contemporaine de la politique mondiale.Just as the study of economics moved ahead by distinguishing between modes of production, International Relations (ir) may profit from distinguishing modes of foreign relations. In this way, ir can perhaps be saved from virtual irrelevance in a world in which state boundaries are increasingly permeable to all but the poor. Also, the prehistory of the Westphalian state system, which is everywhere around us, may be properly integrated into the understanding of world politics and global political economy. In this paper, two modes of foreign relations prior to relations of multiple sovereignty (ir properly speaking) will be distinguished : tribal relations, and empire/nomad relations. It will be argued that far from have been overcome by later history, these modes still inform the contemporary reality of world politics/global political economy

Kommt die globale autoritäre Oligarchie? Annäherungen und Konflikte zwischen dem Westen und dem Rest der Welt

This paper argues that we are in the midst of a conflict-ridden convergence towards oligarchic, authoritarian rule across the globe. Today’s global power structure is the result of very different processes of class formation on both sides of the historic divide between a liberal West and a series of contender states. This structure is itself dissolving as a result of the demise of the Soviet Union and the conversion of China to state capitalism and the mutation of liberalism to authoritarian oligarchic capitalism. The paper argues that corporate liberal capitalism, based on class compromise in the 1980s, was displaced by neoliberalism, which initially intended to restore systemic market discipline but increasingly degenerated into speculative, predatory forms which undermine the forces of stability in the global political economy and fosteroligarchic enrichment. A contradiction is identified between global oligarchic convergence on the one hand and conflict at the level of political (governing and state) elites on the other, which explains the current turbulence in the global political economy

A transznacionális káderosztály kétarcúsága a neoliberalizmus korában

Tanulmányom abból a feltevésből indul ki, hogy tőkés viszonyok közt a társadalom integrációja mind nemzetállami, mind globális szinten alapvetően két, a „munka társadalmasításához” kapcsolódó folyamaton keresztül megy végbe. Ez a két folyamat a „piaci társadalmasulás” és a „tervezett társadalmasítás”. A modern társadalmakban valamennyi hatalmi viszony a kohéziónak erre a két formájára, illetve ezek kombinációjára épül, melyek közül az első „láthatatlan” mechanizmusokon keresztül fejti ki hatását, a második pedig tudatos irányítást és ellenőrzést érvényesít. A politika feladata a két folyamat közti közvetítés nemzetállami és nemzetközi szinten egyaránt

Expansion of chemical space for collaborative lead generation and drug discovery: the European Lead Factory Perspective

High-throughput screening (HTS) represents a major cornerstone of drug discovery. The availability of an innovative, relevant and high-quality compound collection to be screened often dictates the final fate of a drug discovery campaign. Given that the chemical space to be sampled in research programs is practically infinite and sparsely populated, significant efforts and resources need to be invested in the generation and maintenance of a competitive compound collection. The European Lead Factory (ELF) project is addressing this challenge by leveraging the diverse experience and know-how of academic groups and small and medium enterprises (SMEs) engaged in synthetic and/or medicinal chemistry. Here, we describe the novelty, diversity, structural complexity, physicochemical characteristics and overall attractiveness of this first batch of ELF compounds for HTS purposes

Strategic management of public interest organizations

This paper argues that strategic management of a public interest organization not only needs to be aimed at the interests it represents, but it also has to incorporate the organization’s internal workings. The functioning of a public interest organi- zation is seen to suffer from a primary dilemma of membership and influence and a secondary dilemma of representation and control. If these dilemmas are not han- dled adequately, the public interest organization will suffer from a vicious circle of contradiction and conflict, eventually threatening the organization’s long-term viability. A case study is elaborated to empirically underpin this proposition

Two modes of capitalist incorporation

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