To speak of populist radical right parties as a ‘corrective to democracy’ is—in terms of turnout—a misunderstanding

In America a right-wing populist has sparked debate about the state of American democracy, while European countries have increasing experience of populist radical right parties. The presence and popularity of these parties raises significant questions about their consequences for democracy, democratic legitimacy, and political participation. In a recent study, Tim Immerzeel and Mark Pickup examined the role of these parties for a specific indicator of the quality of democracy: voter turnout. Based on an analysis of 33 European countries in the period 2002-2012, they show that the presence and popularity attracts some people to the polling booth, while demotivating others

Do populist parties really boost turnout at elections?

The presence and popularity of populist parties – right-wing in the US, radical right in the EU – raises significant questions about their consequences for democracy, democratic legitimacy, and political participation. Tim Immerzeel and Mark Pickup examine the role of these parties for a specific indicator of the quality of democracy: voter turnout. Based on an analysis of 33 European countries in the period 2002-2012, they show that the presence and popularity attracts some people to the polling booth, while demotivating others

Causes and consequences of the rise of populist radical right parties and movements in Europe

This article reviews three strands in the scholarship on the populist radical right (PRR). It covers both political parties and extra-parliamentary mobilization in contemporary European democracies. After definitional issues and case selection, the authors first discuss demand-side approaches to the fortunes of the PRR. Subsequently, supply-side approaches are assessed, namely political opportunity explanations and internal supply-side factors, referring to leadership, organization and ideological positioning. Third, research on the consequences of the emergence and rise of these parties and movements is examined: do they constitute a corrective or a threat to democracy? The authors discuss the growing literature on the impact on established parties’ policies, the policies themselves, and citizens’ behaviour. The review concludes with future directions for theorizing and research

Application of Ligninolytic Enzymes in the Production of Biofuels from Cotton Wastes

The application of ligninolytic fungi and enzymes is an option to overcome the issues related with the production of biofuels using cotton wastes. In this dissertation, the ligninolytic fungus and enzymes were evaluated as pretreatment for the biochemical conversion of Cotton Gin Trash (CGT) in ethanol and as a treatment for the transformation of cotton wastes biochar in other substances. In biochemical conversion, seven combinations of three pretreatments (ultrasonication, liquid hot water and ligninolytic enzymes) were evaluated on CGT. The best results were achieved by the sequential combination of ultrasonication, hot water, and ligninolytic enzymes with an improvement of 10% in ethanol yield. To improve these results, alkaline-ultrasonication was evaluated. Additionally, Fourier Transform Infrared (FT-IR) and principal component analysis (PCA) were employed as fast methodology to identify structural differences in the biomass. The combination of ultrasonication-alkali hydrolysis, hot liquid water, and ligninolytic enzymes using 15% of NaOH improved 35% ethanol yield compared with the original treatment. Additionally, FT-IR and PCA identified modifications in the biomass structure after different types of pretreatments and conditions. In thermal conversion, this study evaluated the biodepolymerization of cotton wastes biochar using chemical and biological treatments. The chemical depolymerization evaluated three chemical agents (KMnO4, H2SO4, and NaOH), with three concentrations and two environmental conditions. The sulfuric acid treatments performed the largest transformations of the biochar solid phase; whereas, the KMnO4 treatments achieved the largest depolymerizations. The compounds released into the liquid phase were correlated with fulvic and humic acids and silicon compounds. The biological depolymerization utilized four ligninolytic fungi Phanerochaete chrysosporium, Ceriporiopsis subvermispora, Postia placenta, and Bjerkandera adusta. The greatest depolymerization was obtained by C. subvermispora. The depolymerization kinetics of C. subvermispora evidenced the production of laccase and manganese peroxidase and a correlation between depolymerization and production of ligninolytic enzymes. The modifications obtained in the liquid and solid phases showed the production of humic and fulvic acids from the cultures with C. subvermispora. The results of this research are the initial steps for the development of new processes using the ligninolytic fungus and their enzymes for the production of biofuels from cotton wastes

Populist radical right parties mobilizing 'the people'? The role of populist radical right success in voter turnout

The increasing popularity of European populist radical right parties (PRRs) has often been argued as either a corrective or threat to democracy. In this study, we provide empirical scrutiny to these opposing claims and investigate the impact of successful PRRs on levels of voter turnout. We argue that the emergence of successful PRRs may either foster voter turnout, because they are passionate mobilizers that fulfill a watchdog function and re-introduce electoral competition; or inhibit voter turnout, because they introduce a more negative, hardened tone to politics that further triggers distrust towards politics, politicians and democracy. To investigate these possibilities, we examine whether various societal groups are affected by the emergence of successful PRRs. Using the six available waves of the European Social Survey for the period 2002-2012, we apply hierarchical fixed effect models to test the (de)mobilization potential of PRRs in 19 Western and 14 Eastern European countries. Our results suggest that the emergence of successful PRRs lowers the voting propensity of Eastern European citizens - in particular the young and those with positive attitudes towards immigrants. Whereas in Western Europe, the emergence of successful PRRs increases the propensity to go to the polls among higher educated, more politically interested citizens. The East European results are consistent with theories that those most likely to be affected by the negative campaigning of PRRs - those that oppose PRR ideology and those less politically experienced - will be less likely to turnout in response to the emergence of a successful PRR. The Western European results are consistent with theories that it is those who strongly oppose PRRs that will be motivated to turnout as a result of the emergence of a successful PRR

Populist radical right parties mobilizing 'the people'? The role of populist radical right success in voter turnout

The increasing popularity of European populist radical right parties (PRRs) has often been argued as either a corrective or threat to democracy. In this study, we provide empirical scrutiny to these opposing claims and investigate the impact of successful PRRs on levels of voter turnout. We argue that the emergence of successful PRRs may either foster voter turnout, because they are passionate mobilizers that fulfill a watchdog function and re-introduce electoral competition; or inhibit voter turnout, because they introduce a more negative, hardened tone to politics that further triggers distrust towards politics, politicians and democracy. To investigate these possibilities, we examine whether various societal groups are affected by the emergence of successful PRRs. Using the six available waves of the European Social Survey for the period 2002-2012, we apply hierarchical fixed effect models to test the (de)mobilization potential of PRRs in 19 Western and 14 Eastern European countries. Our results suggest that the emergence of successful PRRs lowers the voting propensity of Eastern European citizens - in particular the young and those with positive attitudes towards immigrants. Whereas in Western Europe, the emergence of successful PRRs increases the propensity to go to the polls among higher educated, more politically interested citizens. The East European results are consistent with theories that those most likely to be affected by the negative campaigning of PRRs - those that oppose PRR ideology and those less politically experienced - will be less likely to turnout in response to the emergence of a successful PRR. The Western European results are consistent with theories that it is those who strongly oppose PRRs that will be motivated to turnout as a result of the emergence of a successful PRR

Explaining the gender gap in radical right voting: A cross-national investigation in 12 Western European countries

It is common wisdom in radical right research that men are over-represented among the radical right electorate. We explore whether a radical right gender gap exists across 12 Western European countries and examine how this gap may be explained. Using the European Values Study (2010), we find a radical right gender gap that remains substantial after controlling for socioeconomic and political characteristics. However, our results indicate strong cross-national variation in the size of the gap. Explanations for these differences are explored by looking at the outsider image and the populist discourse style of the radical right parties, which are hypothesised to keep women from voting for the radical right. Our results do not confirm this expectation: differences in party characteristics do not account for cross-national differences in the gender gap. Implications of these findings and suggestions for further research are discussed

Maatschappelijke Stage en Burgerschap: Rapportage Schooljaar 2008/2009

Scholen in het voortgezet onderwijs zijn in schooljaar 2008/2009 massaal begonnen aan de invoering van de maatschappelijke stage. De doelen van de maatschappelijke stage zijn leerlingen kennis te laten maken met de samenleving en vrijwillige inzet en om burgerschap te stimuleren. In een onderzoek onder 2826 leerlingen op 29 scholen verspreid over heel Nederland vinden we dat de maatschappelijke stages een grote variatie kennen. Van deze 29 scholen maakten 24 scholen in 2008‐2009 deel uit van een pilot project maatschappelijke stage. Drie kwart van de leerlingen die een maatschappelijke stage hebben gedaan in het afgelopen schooljaar waardeert de stage positief. Leerlingen hebben een redelijk hoog niveau van burgerschap dat niet veel verschilt van dat van volwassen Nederlanders. Leerlingen die in het afgelopen schooljaar een maatschappelijke stage hebben gedaan hebben een hoger niveau van burgerschap. De maatschappelijke stage heeft een bescheiden invloed op de ontwikkeling van burgerschap. Leerlingen die een maatschappelijke stage hebben gedaan zijn aan het eind van het schooljaar vaker actief in vrijwilligerswerk en vinden het doen van vrijwilligerswerk ook meer vanzelfsprekend. De invloed van de maatschappelijke stage hangt af van de invulling ervan. De invulling van de stage door de school creëert de noodzakelijke voorwaarden voor de ontwikkeling van burgerschap. Leerlingen die meer vrijheid krijgen in het kiezen van een organisatie ontwikkelen een hogere mate van politieke betrokkenheid dan leerlingen die minder vrijheid kregen. Reflectie‐activiteiten zoals het schrijven van een werkstuk, verslag of het houden van een presentatie dragen in tegenstelling tot de verwachting niet bij aan de ontwikkeling van burgerschapswaarden en politieke betrokkenheid. Dit heeft wellicht met de kwaliteit van de reflectie‐activiteiten te maken. Nader onderzoek is echter geboden om deze verklaring te toetsen. Waardering, gezelligheid en de mate waarin de leerlingen leerervaringen opdoen tijdens de stage blijken doorslaggevend te zijn voor de ontwikkeling van burgerschapswaarden door de maatschappelijke stage. Tenslotte blijkt dat de maatschappelijke stage op hogere schoolniveaus een sterker effect hebben op de ontwikkeling van burgerschap