Why do young children overestimate their task performance?: A cross-cultural experiment

Young children are generally overconfident in their abilities and performances, but the reasons that underlie such self-overestimation are unclear. The current cross-cultural experiment aimed to address this issue, testing the possibility that young children's overconfidence in task performance is, at least in part, motivated. We tested 89 Chinese children (49 % girls) and 104 Dutch children (50 % girls) aged 4 and 5 years and asked them to estimate how well they would perform on both a motor test and a memory task. They were randomly assigned to either an experimental condition (in which they were promised a reward for providing accurate performance estimates) or a no-incentive control condition, and then they performed the task. The incentive lowered Chinese (but not Dutch) children's performance overestimation on the motor task. Unexpectedly, children did not overestimate their performance on the memory task. Thus, this study supports the view that young children's self-overestimation can be motivated (rather than due to cognitive immaturity alone) but also reveals task contingencies and cultural differences

Self-focused value profiles relate to climate change skepticism in young adolescents

Climate change skepticism hampers individual and societal transitions to a more sustainable way of life. Unfortunately, little is known about its emergence and early psychological underpinnings. To address this issue, the present study examined the links between basic values and climate change skepticism in young adolescents from three culturally, socially, and politically diverse countries. In an online survey, adolescents (N = 5,244, ages 12–14) from the Netherlands, China, and Colombia reported their basic values and levels of climate change skepticism. In each country, adolescents who reported elevated levels of climate change skepticism prioritized self-enhancement values (and, to a lesser degree, openness-to-change values), but not self-transcendence values. Latent Profile Analyses identified 5 value priority profiles, and similarly showed that adolescents with self-focused value priority profiles reported higher levels of climate change skepticism than adolescents with other-focused value priority profiles. Together, our findings show that, across countries, early emerging climate change skepticism is linked to value profiles that promote self-interest over collective welfare. These findings suggest opportunity for intervention in early adolescence, when adolescents’ budding values and views on polarized topics such as climate change may be relatively malleable

Green teens: Understanding and promoting adolescents’ sustainable engagement.

Young people are disproportionally impacted by heatwaves, floods, droughts, and other impacts of climate change. They also have unique potential to catalyze the transformative sustainable change that the world needs now. How can this potential be leveraged? In this perspective, we present the sustainability motive-alignment hypothesis to understand and harness young peoples’, especially adolescents’, potential for sustainable engagement. The hypothesis posits that adolescents will be internally motivated to engage in sustainable behavior when they construe such behavior as a means of pursuing their personal motives for autonomy and status. The hypothesis also suggests that sustainability-promoting policies (educational programs, campaigns) can be improved by using techniques that reshape how adolescents construe sustainability—from a low-priority chore to an activity that embodies a personal priority. We discuss research priorities to expand and evaluate the sustainability motive-alignment hypothesis and to help better understand the psychological forces underlying adolescents’ sustainable engagement

Why do young children overestimate their task performance?: A cross-cultural experiment

Young children are generally overconfident in their abilities and performances, but the reasons that underlie such self-overestimation are unclear. The current cross-cultural experiment aimed to address this issue, testing the possibility that young children's overconfidence in task performance is, at least in part, motivated. We tested 89 Chinese children (49 % girls) and 104 Dutch children (50 % girls) aged 4 and 5 years and asked them to estimate how well they would perform on both a motor test and a memory task. They were randomly assigned to either an experimental condition (in which they were promised a reward for providing accurate performance estimates) or a no-incentive control condition, and then they performed the task. The incentive lowered Chinese (but not Dutch) children's performance overestimation on the motor task. Unexpectedly, children did not overestimate their performance on the memory task. Thus, this study supports the view that young children's self-overestimation can be motivated (rather than due to cognitive immaturity alone) but also reveals task contingencies and cultural differences

“Was it meant to be mean?” Young children’s hostile attribution bias and intent attribution skills

Two studies investigated whether young children's hostile attributional bias (i.e., the tendency to assume that others have hostile intentions) may be explained by a lack of intent attribution skills (i.e., the ability to correctly infer others’ intentions). We also investigated whether these intent attribution skills depend on children's false‐belief understanding. Children who lack false‐belief understanding may base their attributions on the observable outcomes of others’ behavior, rather than on others’ intentions. These hypotheses were tested by assessing intent attributions made by children ages 3–7 years. We systematically varied intent and outcome information in vignettes (Study 1, N = 151) and staged interactions with puppets (Study 2, N = 85). Results replicated across studies. Children who understood false belief (vs. those who did not) based their attributions more on intent information. However, these intent attribution skills did not affect children's hostile attributional bias. Exploratory analyses showed that children with higher levels of hostile attributional bias, more than others, based their attributions on outcome information. Thus, the findings from this research do not support the assumption that young children with a hostile attributional bias lack intent attribution skills; instead, the findings suggest that these children have a heightened sensitivity for negative outcomes

“Was it meant to be mean?” Young children’s hostile attribution bias and intent attribution skills

Two studies investigated whether young children's hostile attributional bias (i.e., the tendency to assume that others have hostile intentions) may be explained by a lack of intent attribution skills (i.e., the ability to correctly infer others’ intentions). We also investigated whether these intent attribution skills depend on children's false‐belief understanding. Children who lack false‐belief understanding may base their attributions on the observable outcomes of others’ behavior, rather than on others’ intentions. These hypotheses were tested by assessing intent attributions made by children ages 3–7 years. We systematically varied intent and outcome information in vignettes (Study 1, N = 151) and staged interactions with puppets (Study 2, N = 85). Results replicated across studies. Children who understood false belief (vs. those who did not) based their attributions more on intent information. However, these intent attribution skills did not affect children's hostile attributional bias. Exploratory analyses showed that children with higher levels of hostile attributional bias, more than others, based their attributions on outcome information. Thus, the findings from this research do not support the assumption that young children with a hostile attributional bias lack intent attribution skills; instead, the findings suggest that these children have a heightened sensitivity for negative outcomes

Can self-persuasion reduce hostile attribution bias in young children?

Two experiments tested an intervention approach to reduce young children’s hostile attribution bias and aggression: self-persuasion. Children with high levels of hostile attribution bias recorded a video-message advocating to peers why story characters who caused a negative outcome may have had nonhostile intentions (self-persuasion condition), or they simply described the stories (control condition). Before and after the manipulation, hostile attribution bias was assessed using vignettes of ambiguous provocations. Study 1 (n = 83, age 4–8) showed that self-persuasion reduced children’s hostile attribution bias. Study 2 (n = 121, age 6–9) replicated this finding, and further showed that self-persuasion was equally effective at reducing hostile attribution bias as was persuasion by others (i.e., listening to an experimenter advocating for nonhostile intentions). Effects on aggressive behavior, however, were small and only significant for one out of four effects tested. This research provides the first evidence that self-persuasion may be an effective approach to reduce hostile attribution bias in young children

Can self-persuasion reduce hostile attribution bias in young children?

Two experiments tested an intervention approach to reduce young children’s hostile attribution bias and aggression: self-persuasion. Children with high levels of hostile attribution bias recorded a video-message advocating to peers why story characters who caused a negative outcome may have had nonhostile intentions (self-persuasion condition), or they simply described the stories (control condition). Before and after the manipulation, hostile attribution bias was assessed using vignettes of ambiguous provocations. Study 1 (n = 83, age 4–8) showed that self-persuasion reduced children’s hostile attribution bias. Study 2 (n = 121, age 6–9) replicated this finding, and further showed that self-persuasion was equally effective at reducing hostile attribution bias as was persuasion by others (i.e., listening to an experimenter advocating for nonhostile intentions). Effects on aggressive behavior, however, were small and only significant for one out of four effects tested. This research provides the first evidence that self-persuasion may be an effective approach to reduce hostile attribution bias in young children

Does parent-child discussion of peer provocations reduce young children’s hostile attribution bias?

Two studies investigated whether parent–child discussion of peer provocations reduces young children's hostile attributional bias. Study 1 (N = 109, age 4–7)—an observational study—showed that parent–child discussion of nonhostile attributions (when reading a picture book) predicted reductions in children's hostile attributional bias from pre‐ to postdiscussion. Study 2 (N = 160, age 4–6)—an experimental study—showed that stimulating parents to discuss either nonhostile attributions or normative beliefs (vs. a control condition) reduced children's hostile attributional bias in response to hypothetical vignettes, but not in response to a staged peer provocation. These findings suggest that by framing social situations, parents may help their children perceive less hostility in their social worlds