A Persistência ou o Uso Não Oficial de Topônimos Coloniais na Cidade de Maputo, Moçambique

Tomando como casos de estudos certos topônimos coloniais e pós-coloniais da cidade de Maputo (antes Lourenço Marques), argumentamos que o novo governo de Moçambique independente usou a mudança da toponímia como forma de apagar os vestígios do colonialismo em lugares estratégicos e de maior visibilidade. Ao mesmo tempo, tolerava os topônimos “apolíticos” ou de menor carga política do período colonial. As mudanças visavam inscrever memórias e identidades ligadas ao passado e ao presente do novo regime. Sustentamos que, nos casos analisados, há a permanência ou o uso não oficial de topônimos ilegais e extintos. Esta questão é abordada à luz da memória, do hábito, e das ações político-estratégicas do governo. Este artigo é de natureza qualitativa e se baseia em fontes primárias e secundárias, em entrevistas e observações pessoais. Todas as fontes foram abordadas de forma crítica tendo em conta os objetivos e juízos de valores daqueles que os produziram.Based on case studies of specific colonial and post-colonial toponyms in the city of Maputo (formerly Lourenço Marques), we argue that the new government of independent Mozambique used toponymic change as a way to erase the vestiges of colonialism in strategic and more visible places while, at the same time, tolerating the ‘apolitical’ or less politically charged toponyms of the colonial period. The changes aimed to inscribe the memories and identities linked to the past and present of the new regime. We argue that in the analyzed cases, there is permanence or the unofficial use of illegal and extinct toponyms. We approach this question in the light of memory, habit, and political-strategic actions of the government. This paper is qualitative in nature and based on primary and secondary sources, interviews, and personal observations. All these sources were critically approached taking into account the objectives and value judgments of those who produced them

A American Board Mission e os desafios do protestantismo em Manica e Sofala (Moçambique), ca. 1900-1950

Tembe Joel das Neves. A American Board Mission e os desafios do protestantismo em Manica e Sofala (Moçambique), ca. 1900-1950. In: Lusotopie, n°5, 1998. Des protestantismes en lusophonie catholique. pp. 335-343

Uhuru na Kazi: recapturing MANU nationalism through the Archive

This paper explores the history of the Mozambique African National Union (MANU) and of early nationalism in Mozambique, by providing an analysis of MANU discourse in 1961. Reading through MANU documents produced in 1961 and deposited in the Arquivo Histórico de Moçambique, I argue that MANU was neither exclusively constituted by Makonde nor was it in favour of a local or regional ethno-nationalism. While it was strongly represented by Makonde people, MANU also integrated the other ethnic groups of northern Mozambique - such as Yao, Nyanja and Makhuwa people - who were also working and living in different parts of Tanganyika, Zanzibar and Kenya. Defending the importance of national unity and accepting other ethnic groups beyond the Makonde, MANU wished to become a political party representative of all Mozambicans. The Union was also in favour of the participation of women in political struggle and it placed great importance on education. It was this vision that prompted MANU to join efforts with the Mozambican Democratic National Union (UDENAMO) and Independent Mozambique African Union (UNAMI), which merged to form the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO