Duterte's resurgent nationalism in the Philippines: a discursive institutionalist analysis

Early in his administration, Rodrigo Duterte, the controversial sixteenth president of the Philippines, did what no other Filipino president has done before - announce a separation from the geopolitical interests of its former colonial master, the United States of America. Beyond the personal slights caused by the US criticism of his anti-drug campaign lies a deeper sense of historical grievance that has been ingrained in Duterte's generation and his identity as a Mindanaoan. Not only does he represent Mindanao's resentment towards "imperial Manila", but also a historical blowback against "US imperialism". Duterte's nationalist exhortations can be traced to the cycle of regime narratives in the Philippines, which serves as a medium for institutional continuity and change through the mobilisation of ideas at a discursive level. By reviving the anti-US nationalism of his youth, Duterte is repudiating the liberal reformist, albeit elitist, narrative of the Aquino-to-Aquino regimes. Duterte's so-called "pivot to China" is also a dramatic reversal of his predecessors' strong anti-China and rabidly pro-American foreign policy position. This paper blends Vivien A. Schmidt's discursive institutional analytical framework with Stephen Skowronek's concept of presidential leadership in political time to analyse how crafted narratives are transformed into governance scripts that bind together a coalition of interests within a particular institutional setting

Beyond nostalgia: the Marcos political comeback in the Philippines

On 25 May 2022, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos, Jr., son, and namesake of the late dictator, was proclaimed by Congress as the 17th president of the Republic of the Philippines. His landslide victory in the presidential election was astounding, coming 36 years after his family was ousted from the presidential palace in a military-backed people power uprising. He has also emerged as the first majority president in the post-Marcos period garnering a historic 31,629,783 (59%) votes, with a margin of almost 31% ahead of his closest rivals. His successful presidential campaign was built around the myth, propagated on social media, and actively embraced by a large segment of the public (both young and old) that the Marcos dictatorship was a “golden age” of peace and prosperity, as opposed to the long-held and well-documented accounts of a violent and corrupt rule that left the country poor. While it is possible to say that the rise of Rodrigo Duterte’s strongman populism in 2016 cleared the stage for the Marcos restoration in 2022, authoritarian nostalgia has been simmering in the public’s political preference since the mid-2000s. The inability to adequately address the legacies of authoritarianism has impacted the overall consolidation of democratic gains. This paper would like to address the following questions: First, what factors contributed to the erosion of the post-Marcos liberal reformist political order? Second, how did the Marcos dynasty succeed in staging a political comeback? Third, what are the prospects for Philippine democracy under a restored Marcos presidency

The study of politics in Southeast Asia: The Philippines in Southeast Asian political studies

The study of politics in Southeast Asia emerged out of significant junctures in historical state-making and nation-building in the region. Given the neglect of Southeast Asia in mainstream Western political science, efforts have been made by scholars within and outside Southeast Asia to form epistemic communities like the Asian Political and International Studies Association (APISA) to promote studies about Asia. The Philippines is an interesting case in this regard because it mirrored significant periods in its political history - from colonialism to nationalism, modernization, authoritarianism, and democratization. Notwithstanding the strong influence of American political scientists in the early teaching and writing on Filipino politics, the discipline has generally avoided the quantitative methodologies privileged by its American counterpart. Moreover, a vibrant and pluralist approach has been evident in the scholarly output of the Philippine Political Science Journal (PPSJ). Despite initial setbacks in its organization, the Philippine Political Science Association (PPSA) has been successful in fostering a national epistemic community of academics, scholars, and practitioners. © 2014 Philippine Political Science Association (PPSA)

Synthesis and distillation of policy issues: What should governments do? The global financial crisis as a market and government failure

Some of the current financial issues and problems besetting the world economies may be traced to the rise of neoliberalism in the 1980s which centered on free markets and free trade with the consequent less government regulation. Liberalization led to global prosperity and innovation after two decades but extreme market fundamentalism also contributed to the present financial crisis. Is the problem one of governance, of market failure or of people? It is all of these. Markets failed to allocate resources into an efficient manner; governments failed to curb the excesses of the markets. Policy analyses and the presentation of the speakers in the conference reveal that the possible solution is not limited to economics but should also include political adjustments in terms of policy pronouncements. There is a need to look into the equity issues, especially the safety nets of people who will be displaced by the ill effects of the financial crisis. A balance between politics, the experts, the players, the markets and everyone else is emphasized. © 2009 De La Salle University, Philippines

House of clans: Political dynasties in the legislature

A combination of adaptive strategies has enabled political dynasties to maintain their dominance in Philippine congressional politics. Consequently, a variety of political dynasties have emerged in successive political regimes utilizing these strategies. This study investigates the adaptability and resilience of political clans. It is an exposition of the methods undertaken by traditional, new, and emerging political dynasties to maintain their dominance in congressional politics. The national legislature, in its various historical incarnations, has long served as a nexus for national and local power dynamics. Thus, the mechanism by which political clans acquire, sustain, and reproduce power through the House of Representatives is elaborated. © 2018 selection and editorial matter, Mark R. Thompson and Eric Vincent C. Batalla; individual chapters, the contributors

Regional dimensions of the 2016 general elections in the Philippines: Emerging contours of federalism

This election report will focus on the regional dimensions of the 2016 national and local elections in the Philippines. In doing so, the report aims to draw regional implications for the proposed shift to federalism. The following shall discuss the results of provincial elections for governor clustered along regional administrative lines; elections in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM); elections for congressional districts clustered in regions; and the breakdown of regional support for the presidential candidates based on their respective bailiwicks. © 2018 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group

Factional Dynamics in Philippine Party Politics, 1900-2019

The Philippines is a rich case study in the examination of intra-party factions and factionalism in competitive party systems of Southeast Asia. Intra-party factionalism is a recurring, yet understudied, aspect of Philippine party politics. The factional nature of Philippine party politics has endured through time - from bifactionalism of the post-war two-party system to the multi-factionalism of the post-authoritarian multi-party system. All the major political parties that have dominated politics at different historical epochs have experienced intense factional splits. Intra-party factionalism remains a consistent feature of party politics and has become more complicated over time. The number of factions has increased at every period of party system development, while the level of party institutionalization has remained generally low. This article seeks to address this puzzle by tracing the history of political factionalism in the Philippines. It maintains that factional resilience in Philippine party politics is an outcome of combined institutional and structural factors rooted in history. Adopting a historical institutional approach, it will delineate the path-dependent trajectory of intra-party factionalism at critical political junctures. Moreover, it will examine the role of intra-party factionalism in the under-institutionalization of the Philippine party system

Duterte’s resurgent nationalism in the philippines: A discursive institutionalist analysis

© 2016, GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies. All rights reserved. Early in his administration, Rodrigo Duterte, the controversial sixteenth president of the Philippines, did what no other Filipino president has done before – announce a separation from the geopolitical interests of its former colonial master, the United States of America. Beyond the personal slights caused by the US criticism of his anti-drug campaign lies a deeper sense of historical grievance that has been ingrained in Duterte’s generation and his identity as a Mindanaoan. Not only does he represent Mindanao’s resentment towards “imperial Manila,” but also a historical blowback against “US imperialism.” Duterte’s nationalist exhortations can be traced to the cycle of regime narratives in the Philippines, which serves as a medium for institutional continuity and change through the mobilisation of ideas at a discursive level. By reviving the anti-US nationalism of his youth, Duterte is repudiating the liberal reformist, albeit elitist, narrative of the Aquino-to-Aquino regimes. Duterte’s so-called “pivot to China” is also a dramatic reversal of his predecessors’ strong anti-China and rabidly proAmerican foreign policy position. This paper blends Vivien A. Schmidt’s discursive institutional analytical framework with Stephen Skowronek’s concept of presidential leadership in political time to analyse how crafted narratives are transformed into governance scripts that bind together a coalition of interests within a particular institutional setting

Power bequeathed: Generational shift and elite reproduction in the eleventh House of Representatives

This study is an exposition of the methods undertaken by the traditional, new and emerging socio-economic elites at maintaining their dominance in congressional politics, giving stress to the internal structure of the oligarchy and the mechanisms or strategies of their resilience in achieving, exercising and keeping power .This research utilized the case study method to illustrate how the House of Representatives serves as a nexus between local and national politics. The legislators who inherited their congressional posts from their parents are the main subjects of these case studies. The number of cases is seventeen. The sample is derived from the total number of representative who replaced his or her three-term parent. The study made use of primary and secondary materials. Key informant interviews were conducted to provide a first-hand assessment of the tactics and strategies that have assured political dominance in the congressional districts.A combination of adaptive strategies enabled political clans to maintain their dominance in congressional politics. Consequently, a variety of political clans have emerged in successive political regimes utilizing most of these strategies. The introduction of term limits in the 1987 Constitution was an attempt to widen the avenue for legislative recruitment. However, in the Philippines, limiting the term of elected officials is not enough to curb the dynastic ambitions of most political clans. Political clans continue to perpetuate themselves in power either by fielding relatives as proxy candidates to warm their seats in Congress, or by totally bequeathing power to their next of kin. The election of children of political clan members indicates a generation shift in the country\u27s power holders. Usually, a shift in generations is accompanied by changes in political outlook and the functions, roles and skills performed by the next generation of political elites. There is a significant transformation involving the shift from traditional elites to the rise of strategic elites composed of third generation traditional clans, new and emerging clans. This may provide a narrow window for change and reform in the political system. However, while the next generation of political elites demonstrate new political outlook, most continue to succumb to their parent\u27s traditional mode of political contestation.Term limits have been proven simply as a minor obstacle for entrenched political dynasties. The rotation of political candidacy among political clans and proxy candidates are means utilized to get around term limits. Term limits alone is not enough to curb the dynastic ambitions of political clans. Therefore, efforts must be made to enact the anti-dynasty provision of the Constitution, and the process of electoral reforms and modernization must be completed

The Philippines in 2015: The calm before the political storm

The year started auspiciously with the successful visit of Pope Francis in Manila. Unfortunately, the afterglow of the event was overshadowed by the tragic death of 44 members of the Special Action Forces (SAF), 18 members of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF), and five civilians in a botched operation to capture Indonesian terrorist Marwan in Mamasapano, Mindanao. The major political fallout from the tragedy was the breakdown of the peace negotiations with the MILF. The administration was also beleaguered by accusations of incompetence in connection with the monstrous traffic crisis in Metro Manila, extortion rackets at the airport, and the mismanagement of LRT and MRT railway systems. Nonetheless, it demonstrated decisiveness in pursuing an arbitral case against China at the Permanent Court of Arbitration. Despite overseeing a succession of impressive economic growth, the legacy of the Aquino administration and the victory of its anointed successor in the 2016 elections are endangered as a result of these political controversies. © 2016 Philippine Political Science Association (PPSA)