Initialization Bias of Fourier Neural Operator: Revisiting the Edge of Chaos

This paper investigates the initialization bias of the Fourier neural operator (FNO). A mean-field theory for FNO is established, analyzing the behavior of the random FNO from an ``edge of chaos'' perspective. We uncover that the forward and backward propagation behaviors exhibit characteristics unique to FNO, induced by mode truncation, while also showcasing similarities to those of densely connected networks. Building upon this observation, we also propose a FNO version of the He initialization scheme to mitigate the negative initialization bias leading to training instability. Experimental results demonstrate the effectiveness of our initialization scheme, enabling stable training of a 32-layer FNO without the need for additional techniques or significant performance degradation

A Study on Structural Changes of Chinese Local Plays in Chiang-nan during the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries (VI)

As discussed in the last installment of this study, the village community play in Chiang-nan separated into the clan play and the market play after the mid-Ming.This gave the local play in Chiang-nan, which had hitherto been confined to the limited boundaries of the village, an opportunity to go beyond the village and become diffused nationwide.The two types of diffusion are as follows:(1) Diffusion of the clan playClan plays were performed during celebrations for the coming of age of sons, marriages, funerals, or other celebrations of the like.Though the influential lineage groups of Chiang-nan were usually physically far removed from each other, they were often related by marital ties or linked by social meetings through their position as officials.Therefore, the plays of one lineage from a certain place could spread to another place through the social gatherings of various lineages.In such situations, performances were given either of Northern Drama (Pei-ch‘ü), which was sung in the common language of the officials (the official language, i. e. Mandarin), or of K‘un-ch‘ü, which was sung in the Wu dialect, the dialect spoken in the econo mically advanced regions of Chiang-nan.Especially the K‘un-ch‘ü gradually spread nationwide through this inter-lineage route.(2) Diffusion of the market playPlays were perfomed virtually wherever there were markets.As one market was linked to another by travelling merchants, a play from the native places of influential travelling merchants could be spread nationwide through their network of market contacts.In this way, the Hui-chou (Hsin-an) merchants, who had controlled the network of markets in Chiang-nan since early Ming times, spread the plays of their home towns, Hui-tiao (the tunes characteristic of Hui-chou Drama) and I-yang ch‘iang (the tunes characteristic of I-yang Drama) nationwide through actors from their home towns.Discussion also focuses on the combination that resulted from the bringing together of K‘un-ch‘ü and I-yang ch‘iang in the form of K‘un-I Er-ch‘iang.This occurred through the influence of Hsin-an merchants and An-hui theatrical troupes.In sum, the argument is as follows:Originally the K‘un-ch‘ü of clan plays were “elegant drama tunes” and the I-yang ch‘iang of market plays were “vulgar drama tunes”, i. e. contrasting types of tune.However, at remote places where these types of plays spread, both the K‘un-ch‘ü and I-yang ch‘iang were (when compa red with the local plays sung in the vernacular) respected as the plays of central Chiang-nan.The status of I-yang ch‘iang was thus raised.In fact, during the mid-Ch‘ing, many I-yang ch‘iang troupes from Chiang-hsi, Hu-nan, etc., entered Kuang-chou in Kuang-tung.These troupes sang a combination of K‘un-ch‘ü and I-yang ch‘iang at various banquets.Also the script of the P‘i-p‘a chi taken recently from a tomb in Chieh-yang 掲陽 County reveals that, though fundamentally of the K‘un-ch‘ü type, the play was strongly influenced by I-yang ch‘iang and that in Ming times it had spread to Ch‘ao-chou 潮州 in Kuang-tung.Such a combination of tunes (K‘un-I Er-ch‘iang) was promoted by An-hui troupes (originally I-yang ch‘iang in orientation, but later with K‘un-ch‘ü additions) and received the support and patronage of Hsin-an merchants.One can thus say that through the Hsin-an merchants, two kinds of plays which had developed from the same type of village community play, namely clan plays and market plays, to a certain extent come back together again.-END

A Study on Structural Changes of Chinese Local Plays in Chiang-nan 江南 during the 15th and 16th Centuries (3)

This is the third part of this article in which the author studies the following problems.(1) How the large landlords or hsiang-shen郷紳developed their own special plays at their private halls on the occasion of their consaguinean rituals, such as ceremonies of coming of age, marriage, funeral and ancestral worship after the fall of li-chia里甲system.(2) How the peasantry around the local market places developed their own favorite plays at field stages against the control of the landowner class over the village plays in these times.In short, after the fall of li-chia system, the she-miao社廟plays in the village communities, the social structure of which the author has already discussed in Chapters 1 and 2, were gradually divided into two parts, that is, the clan plays of the higher class and the market plays of the lower class.In the next chapter the author will proceed to analyze the characteristics of actors and dramas in each of these plays

On Guild Theatres during the Ch\u27ing Era

It is well-known that since the late Ming era, there had been erected many guild-halls in the big cities such as Peking, Shang-hai and Han-kou.In these guild-halls, almost of which had their own stage inside, the theatres for the guild deities were often performed.They were sponsored by the guild organization, for the sake of consolidation of the bondages within guild members.Hitherto, however, few observation have been done about the historical function of this kind of theatre as located within the historical context of Chinese drama.Thus, in this paper, the present author has tried to clarify the religional or social features of this kind of guild theatre in the context of historical development or geographical diffusion of Chinese regional theatres through the Ming and Ch ‘ing eras.The outline of this discussion can be condensed into the following few points.1) In the most traditional guild organized by beaurocrats or intellectuals coming from the countryside, the conservative rituals of Confucianism were so strictly maintained that the popular theatres could be hardly accepted in any case of Festivals. It was not before the mid-Ch ‘ing era that this group of literal guild had become to accept the vulgar theatres as a part of their rituals even only on the occasion of popular Spring Festival. The members of these guilds not only favoured the country drama, but also preferred the more intellectual drama like K ‘un-ch ‘ü, so that through the network of these literal guild-halls which had spread to virtually every political city, the K ‘un-ch ‘ü drama could easily diffuse all over China.ü2) The guild of merchants organized late after the literal guild was more free in ritual form, and positively adopted the vulgar dramas whether it was the celebratory rituals for the Birthday Festival of the guild deities or the exorcistic rituals for suppressing the wandering spirits or harmful orphan souls such as in the Hungry Ghost Festival. The members of this guild were extremely fond of their native country dramas performed with the vulgar dialect of their home village, so they invited their local troupe of their own to their rituals as possible as they could. Thus, through the network of these guilds of merchants, various sorts of local dramas favoured by powerful merchants could find the route to spread rapidly all over the country. For example, Ch ‘in-ch ‘iang were brought to every place where its patrons, Shan-hsi merchants, had their own guild-halls, while Hui-chou drama, or P ‘i-huang-ch ‘iang, could easily diffuse to every place where the famous Hsin-an merchants and their influence through their commercial activities.3) The guild of craftmen came into being latest of the three. Their hall was usually very small in scale, and sometimes constructed such that the hall itself was attached to another big popular temple in the street. For they were too poor to build their own hall independantly. Most of them, having imigrated into city areas from the neibouring villages, could not understand any other languages than their own dialects, so in the hall of these craftmen, only local dramas with their native dialects were performed. Thus, through the pipe of these craftmen\u27s guilds, the vulgar local dramas vastly flew into the city and cultivated the local colour of each regional drama.4) The stage drama in the Ch ‘ing era was shaped by the accumulation of these guild theatres. Some of the stages in the guild-halls of beaurocrats or rich merchants were transformed into commerical stages. We can trace this process of development from guild-hall to commercial theatre in Peking

馮雪峯在“同路人”論上的接収與形成 : 《革命與知識階級》管見

在明代末期至清代初期，有些文人戲曲家或戲劇評論家能够脱離以“大團圓”結局的“老套”。反映江南文人社會裡，慢慢出現一種評價悲劇的新趨向。這種新的藝術理念的萌芽似乎是，在明代後期文人批評西廂記之過程中，逐步發展起來的。本文嘗試根據台北國立中央圖書館所藏明末版本『三先生合評元本北西廂』来研討這個問題。這本書分為五卷，每卷分為四套，每套尾附徐文長，李卓吾，湯若士先生總批。其中，湯評最得注意。內容很過激，表現也非常活潑，予人深刻的印象。其特點如下。1．同情崔鴬鴬張君瑞兩個主角2．譛揚紅娘的慧敏和耐心3．極力斥罵老夫人的狡滑4．主張以“驚夢”結局最引人注意的是最後一点。湯評説：“天下事原是夢…實甫傳其奇，而以夢結之，甚當。漢卿紐于俗套，必欲以榮歸為美，續成一套…欲附驥尾，反坐續貂，冤哉。”這段評論尊重“情”而力斥庸俗規範。這個反俗思想使他覺得，西廂不可以陷入于大團圓結局的俗套之中。這可以算是金聖歎西廂評的先驅。但是，這種傾倒悲劇的趨向，有可能跟當時文人社會会裡瀰漫的悲觀虚無的世界觀很有關係的。當時文人很喜歡一句套話“人生是一大戲場”，其涵意就是“人生如幻，々如夢，很像戲劇”。這種看法會影響到戲曲評論。比方説，另外一個明末文人，徐奮鵬，在他所批定的“槃薖碩人增改定本西廂記”序言＜詩壇清玩小引＞之中，説：“人生一在戲場也，鶯生迷於場中，是居夢境，至草橋一宿，夢而醒焉，夢之時，見是色。醒之時，見是空。人生即情態極變者，皆如此。”。在此可見，‘人生一大戲場’，‘色即是空’，這些悲觀思想造成一種傾倒悲劇結局 的心態。清初出現了金聖難歎的西廂記批評，而且某些悲劇戲曲作品，比如“桃花扇”，“長生殿”，同時湧現。其原因或者可以歸于這些明末以來發展過来的嗜好悲劇的社會風氣。從這個觀點來説，附於『三先生合評元本北西廂記』的湯評，的確是很有價値的

A Study on Structural Changes of Chinese Local Plays in Chiang-nan 江南 through about the 15th and 16th Centuries (1)

Early from the 13th century, there scattered village-communities called shê 社, all over the Chiang-nan 江南 district.Every shê was ordinarily organized around the temple of village-diety called shê-miao 社廟, where various sorts of local plays were offered in many festival days.These customs of performing plays had not only been maintained in every shê during the war time of the 14th century, but also further developed both in quality and in quantity in the course of the 15th century.In the lst chaper of this paper, I have observed various types of plays popularized within each shê in these times, according to the materials found in local administrative documents or kinship books.The important aspects of the matters may be condensed into the following points.(1) In every shê-miao festival, the plays constituted the important part of the agricultural rites offered to the village-diety.These types of shê-miao plays, in general, included the following several kinds.a) The play of spring prayer for a good harvest of the year.b) The play of autumnal prayer of gratitude for autumn or winter harvest.c) The play of summer prayer for preventing floods or drought.Some of these kinds, especially the 3rd one (c), were often held by union of several village communities more than two or three, as the baisis of local agricultural reprodution-system in these times more or less expanded beyond a territory of a sigle shê.(2) Apart from the custom of staging plays as part of agricultural rites, the shê-miao also served as the village conference center often called hsiang-yüeh-suo 郷約所, where villagers assembled once every few years to discuss and conclude their community regulations, the so-called hsiang-yüeh 郷約, for securing the baisis of agricultural reproduction in the village.They included prohibition of randam felling of trees, doing damages to crops by letting cows and shêep trample on the farmland.The regulations concerned the hills, forests, water resources, etc., jointly owned by the villagers.At such village assemblies, which were accompanied by banquets, plays were often performed as a means to take a solemn oath before the dieties of the shê-miao.It was also customary to have a violator of the regulations finance the plays and at the same time have him renew his oath to the dieties.In the Chiang-nan district, these types of village plays had remarkably developed in the course of the 16th century.(3) The shê, the above village community, had also been expected to serve as a famine-relief system in the local society.So, in ordinary years, every shê used to collect much foods, as a sort of additional tax besides ordinary one, from all the villagers including the poorer class, so as to create and maintain its own famine-relief fund enough to supply the necesary foods to famine striken people in lean years.But almost all the villagers, especially poorer peasants, were discontented with these additional charges falling upon them, so the managers of the famine-relief system were often compelled, supposedly, to appease their complaint, in performing plays at the cost of the famine-relief fund.In the following chapters, I shall procced to study how the social structure in the shê-miao plays as above-mentioned should have changed or collapsed in the course of the 16th and 17th centuries

Predicting dust extinction properties of star-forming galaxies from H-alpha/UV ratio

Using star-forming galaxies sample in the nearby Universe (0.02<z<0.10) selected from the SDSS (DR7) and GALEX all-sky survey (GR5), we present a new empirical calibration for predicting dust extinction of galaxies from H-alpha-to-FUV flux ratio. We find that the H-alpha dust extinction (A(Ha)) derived with H-alpha/H-beta ratio (Balmer decrement) increases with increasing H-alpha/UV ratio as expected, but there remains a considerable scatter around the relation, which is largely dependent on stellar mass and/or H-alpha equivalent width (EW(Ha)). At fixed H-alpha/UV ratio, galaxies with higher stellar mass (or galaxies with lower EW(Ha)) tend to be more highly obscured by dust. We quantify this trend and establish an empirical calibration for predicting A(Ha) with a combination of H-alpha/UV ratio, stellar mass and EW(Ha), with which we can successfully reduce the systematic uncertainties accompanying the simple H-alpha/UV approach by ~15-30%. The new recipes proposed in this study will provide a convenient tool for predicting dust extinction level of galaxies particularly when Balmer decrement is not available. By comparing A(Ha) (derived with Balmer decrement) and A(UV) (derived with IR/UV luminosity ratio) for a subsample of galaxies for which AKARI FIR photometry is available, we demonstrate that more massive galaxies tend to have higher extra extinction towards the nebular regions compared to the stellar continuum light. Considering recent studies reporting smaller extra extinction towards nebular regions for high-redshift galaxies, we argue that the dust geometry within high-redshift galaxies resemble more like low-mass galaxies in the nearby Universe.Comment: 14 pages, 14 figures, Accepted for publication in MNRA

Msx1のMH6ドメインを含むC末端領域は骨格形成に関与する

MSX1 is a causative gene for oligodontia in humans. Although conventional Msx1-deficient mice die neonatally, a mutant mouse lacking the C-terminus MH6 domain of MSX1 (Msx1ΔMH6/ΔMH6) showed two different phenotypes; newborn homozygotes with cleft palates died neonatally, whereas those with thin palates remained alive and had craniofacial dysplasia and growth retardation compared with wild-type mice, with most mice dying by the age of 4–5 weeks. In a previously reported case of human oligodontia caused by a heterozygous defect of the Msx1 MH6 domain, a small foramen was observed on the occipital bone. The aim of this study was to test the hypothesis that the Msx1 MH6 domain is involved in bone formation in vivo. In Msx1ΔMH6/ΔMH6 mice, cranial suture fusion was delayed at embryonic day 18.5, and the anteroposterior cranial diameter was smaller and long bone length was decreased at 3 weeks of age. The femoral epiphysis showed no change in the trabecular number, but decreased bone mass, bone density, and trabecular width in Msx1ΔMH6/ΔMH6 mice. In addition, cancellous bone mass was reduced and the cartilage layer in the growth plate was thinner in Msx1ΔMH6/ΔMH6 mice. The mRNA expression levels of major osteoblast and chondrocyte differentiation marker genes were decreased in Msx1ΔMH6/ΔMH6 mice compared with wild-type mice. These findings suggest that the C-terminal region including the MH6 domain of MSX1 plays important roles not only in tooth development and palatal fusion, but also in postnatal bone formation