An unholy pilgrimage? Yasukuni and the construction of Japan's Asia imaginary

Why are Japanese policymakers intent on visiting Yasukuni Shrine, and why do they continue to hold China and South Korea solely responsible for the "politics of memory" in diplomatic relations? It is easy-and perhaps misleading-to suggest that Japan does not care about China or South Korea, and also to argue that Japan's memory of World War II is one of "glory" rather than "aggression." Instead, I posit the idea that Japan's memory of the war is, indeed, traumatic, and that the postwar legacy of a "democratic and peaceful" nation makes it difficult for the policymakers to countenance Chinese/South Korean criticisms. © 2009 Policy Studies Organization

Recasting 'Nuclear-Free Korean Peninsula' as a Sino-American language for co-ordination

A series of Six-Party Talks involving the United States, China, Japan, South and North Koreas, and Russia resulted in the emergence of a narrative of ‘nuclear-free Korean Peninsula’. Given the prevalence of nuclear weapons amidst Sino-American rivalry, the area is hardly ‘nuclear-free’. Instead, the phrase has evolved into a convenient language for the US and China to signal to each other that there is a coincidence of wants in preserving the multilateral framework despite the Realpolitik dynamics. This article provides a Constructivist perspective to this particular aspect of Sino-American balance of power by taking the language of ‘nuclear-free’ seriously, recasting the narrative as a shared signifier for the US and China to co-ordinate their language despite the lingering bilateral rivalry

'Surrounding Areas' and the recalibration of Japan's threat perception

The official narratives of Surrounding Areas in the 1997 New Guidelines are a curiosity: on the one hand, they signify Japan's readiness to increase its international involvement, while on the other hand, the geographical designation remains vague despite Japan's preoccupation with Asia. This suggests that Asia as Japan's neighbourhood is considered along with international developments to facilitate the emergence of an ambiguous language for Japanese policy makers as they seek to adapt to changes in the international environment. As such, the term 'Surrounding Areas' signifies Tokyo's anxieties in facing up to new challenges, as well as the willingness of the government to enhance Japan's international role while maintaining its status as a pacifist state. © Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2011

Obama’s Hiroshima visit was hugely momentous – and bitterly ironic

Obama’s Hiroshima visit was hugely momentous – and bitterly ironi

The persistence of reified Asia as reality in Japanese foreign policy narratives

Asia is narrated in Japanese foreign policy pronouncements as an opportunity as well as a threat. Despite the purported transformation from militarism to pacifism since August 1945, the reified images of Asia as an ‘entity out there’ remain resilient. The image of a dangerous Asia prompted Japan to engage in its programme of colonialism before the War and compels policy makers to address territorial disputes with Asian neighbours today. Simultaneously, Asia persistently symbolises an opportunity for Tokyo to exploit. Hence, despite the psychological rupture of August 1945, reified Asia remains a reality in Japanese foreign policy

It takes two to tango: The difficult Japan-South Korea relations as clash of realities

Why do Japan-South Korea relations remain difficult despite several efforts to overcome the past? Elite narratives in Japan and South Korea reify the bilateral relationship as a difficulty due to troublesome and insincere neighbour. For the Japanese policy elites, the difficulty is due to troublesome South Koreans unwilling to embrace future-oriented relationship; whereas for the South Korean policy elites, the insincere Japanese unwilling to address past wrong-doing is the source of the problem. The result is a self-fulfilling prophecy of an intractable mutual misapprehension, suggesting that the difficult relationship is here to stay. I analyze pronouncements by both the Japanese-and South Korean policy elites appearing in official documents and media reports for clues into the manner in which the bilateral relationship is reified in to a difficulty purportedly due to the recalcitrance of the neighbour. The narratives consistently show that both the Japanese-and South Korean policy elites consider the onus of improvement lies with the troublesome/insincere neighbour. In short, the bilateral relationship is a clash of realities, with the logical conclusion being that the difficult relationship will persist for the foreseeable future

Confucianism and democratization in East Asia

Confucianism and democratization in East Asi

Levels of analysis of the international system

Levels of analysis of the international syste

Recasting ‘Nuclear-Free Korean Peninsula’ as a Sino-American Language for Co-ordination

A series of Six-Party Talks involving the United States, China, Japan, South and North Koreas, and Russia resulted in the emergence of a narrative of ‘nuclear-free Korean Peninsula’. Given the prevalence of nuclear weapons amidst Sino-American rivalry, the area is hardly ‘nuclear-free’. Instead, the phrase has evolved into a convenient language for the US and China to signal to each other that there is a coincidence of wants in preserving the multilateral framework despite the Realpolitik dynamics. This article provides a Constructivist perspective to this particular aspect of Sino-American balance of power by taking the language of ‘nuclear-free’ seriously, recasting the narrative as a shared signifier for the US and China to co-ordinate their language despite the lingering bilateral rivalry