Francois Hotman and Jean Bodin. Political Activity in Sixteenth Century France

The sixteenth century was a tumultuous age for Europe. The Habsburg dynasty established its hegemony in Europe. The exploration of the New World provided a new source of wonder and wealth. Dynasties changed in France. England had women rulers. The Reformation exploded, transforming the religion of millions. With the Reformation and Counter-Reformation came political and religious disputes that resulted in warfare for more than thirty years. Political theory flourished during this century. The printing presses became important weapons in these wars, as writers attempted to analyze political authority in, light of religious disunity. As the single Christian Commonwealth disappeared, questions about the obligations of the faithful to obey civil authorities became important. Luther and Calvin attempted to answer these questions, as did many of their followers. But while Luther was able to demand complete submission to civil authority, the later Protestants, faced with the prospect of persecution by heretical civil authorities, developed theories of resistance. Calvin himself spelled out conditions under which, resistance was justifiable and necessary. The eight Lutheran ministers of Magdeburg who authored the Bekenntnis Unterricht und Vermanung der Pfarrherrn und Prediger der Christlichen Kirchen zu Magdeburg in 1550 claimed it was a religious duty to resist a ruler who sought to destroy the true religion. In Scotland, John Knox and George Buchanan presented the case for rebellion and limited monarchy. In England, during the reign of Queen: Mary; Christopher Goodman and John Ponet called for resistance. In France, the Huguenots produced an abundant literature in support of rebellion

Supporting the Complex Social Lives of New Parents

One of the many challenges of becoming a parent is the shift in one’s social life. As HCI researchers have begun to investigate the intersection of sociotechnical system design and parenthood, they have also sought to understand how parents’ social lives can be best supported. We build on these strands of research through a qualitative study with new parents regarding the role of digital technologies in their social lives as they transition to parenthood. We demonstrate how sociotechnical systems are entangled in the ways new parents manage their relationships, build (or resist building) new friendships and ad hoc support systems, and navigate the vulnerabilities of parenthood. We discuss how systems designed for new parents can better support the vulnerabilities they internalize, the diverse friendships they desire, and the logistical challenges they experience. We conclude with recommendations for future design and research in this area

Introduction. Vivir bien / Buen vivir and post-neoliberal development paths in Latin America : scope, strategies and the realities of implementation

Neoliberalism has economic, political, sociocultural, and environmental consequences that are known to cause imbalances across the globe (Navarro, 2020). The financial crisis that began in 2008 in the economic centers of the Global North has been steadily spreading to low- and middle-income countries, including much of Latin America. Political leaders around the world are unable to confront the contradictions of market-led forms of development that deepen socioeconomic inequalities while unsustainably extracting the natural resources required to maintain consumption-driven forms of economic growth. At the same time, economic growth appears to be the prerequisite for responding to immediate local needs and bringing social groups and entire countries out of poverty. Awareness of and resistance to the structural inconsistencies of the neoliberal globalization project at the margins, led by people from countries at the so-called periphery of the world system, had already emerged in the crisis of the 1980s (Wallerstein, 1984). This was a resistance that sometimes emerged from civil society rather than being led by traditional political and economic elites (Petras, 2011). Having survived the lost decade of the 1980s and beyond, Latin America perfectly illustrates the crisis of legitimacy of the neoliberal revolution and the sociopolitical counterrevolution of civil-society-led alternatives. It is in this context that we are witnessing innovative ideas emerge from communities and subjects that have historically been economically, politically, and culturally marginalized. Latin America’s upheaval and contestation have their roots in indigenous epistemologies—epistemologies of the South (Santos, 2015)—and practices. Where indigenous groups have become a newly empowered political subject (Postero, 2006), as in Bolivia, the repercussions of these political transitions include the incorporation of indigenous knowledge and practices into the roadmap for alternative, “refounded” (Artaraz, 2012) versions of these societies. As a result, both Bolivia and Ecuador have seen the introduction of indigenous concepts of vivir bien (living well) or buen vivir (good living) into their constitutions, national development plans, and public policies. When the concept of vivir bien was added to these constitutions, possibilities were opened for countries around the region to experiment with the meaning of sumak kawsay/buen vivir and suma qamaña/vivir bien and the ways in which a range of understandings of these terms could be translated into policy (Asamblea Constituyente, 2008). Versions of the concept have also gained salience in other Latin American countries, from Venezuela to Nicaragua

An absent presence: Separated child migrants’ caring practices and the fortified neoliberal state

This paper explores the ambivalent positioning of separated child migrants in the UK with a focus on the care that they provide for each other. Drawing on interview data with state and non-state adult stakeholders involved in the immigration-welfare nexus, we consider how children’s care practices are viewed and represented. We argue that separated children’s caring practices assume an absent presence in the discourses mobilised by these actors: either difficult to articulate or represented in negative and morally-laden terms, reflective of the UK’s 'hostile environment' towards migrants and advanced capitalist constructions of childhood. Such an examination sheds light on the complex state attempts to manage the care and migration regimes, and the way that care can serve as a way of making and marking inclusions and exclusions. Here we emphasise the political consequences for separated child migrants in an age of neoliberal state retrenchment from public provision of care and rising xenophobic nationalism

Au-delà d’une différence de genre

Le travail de Carol Gilligan et de ses collaborateurs décrit une « éthique du care » venant compléter une compréhension de la morale qui en fait une question de justice. Ce travail est souvent cité comme preuve à l’appui de l’existence d’une « morale féminine ». Depuis ses premiers travaux, Gilligan affirme qu’elle ne considère pas l’éthique du care comme une catégorie relevant de la différence de genre. Son travail est néanmoins largement compris dans ce sens, comme le montrent les discussio..