Fertility Levels, Trends and Differentials in Pakistan: Evidence from the Population, Labour Force and Migration Survey 1979-80

The objectives of the present report are two fold: (1) to analyse in some detail the fertility data collected in "Population, Labour Force and Migration" (PLM) Survey of 1979; and (2) to compare its findings, wherever necessary, with those of PFS (particularly for current fertility) and other surveys. The report is organized into eight sections, Section 2 is a brief review of earlier fertility levels and trends. Discussion of the PLM Survey and its methodology finds its place in section 3. In Section 4, we have discussed the current parity (children ever born to women at the time of the survey ) by age, marriage duration and age at marriage, as well as differentials in current parity. Early, marital fertility is discussed in section 5. The next two sections provide brief accounts of current fertility. In order to structure our analysis we have identified the women either through their birth cohorts ( current age ) or their marriage cohorts ( years since first marriage ). Realizing that the two fundamental aspects of a woman's chlld bearing life - the number of children she has had and the tempo of her having had them - cannot be fully separated as the results based on one type of measure do not always correspond to those obtained through another. We have, therefore, presented a brief synthesis of various findings in the concluding section

Fertility Levels, Trends and Differentials in Pakistan: Evidence from the Population, Labour Force and Migration Survey 1979-80

The objectives of the present report are two fold: (1) to analyse in some detail the fertility data collected in "Population, Labour Force and Migration" (PLM) Survey of 1979; and (2) to compare its findings, wherever necessary, with those of PFS (particularly for current fertility) and other surveys. The report is organized into eight sections, Section 2 is a brief review of earlier fertility levels and trends. Discussion of the PLM Survey and its methodology finds its place in section 3. In Section 4, we have discussed the current parity (children ever born to women at the time of the survey ) by age, marriage duration and age at marriage, as well as differentials in current parity. Early, marital fertility is discussed in section 5. The next two sections provide brief accounts of current fertility. In order to structure our analysis we have identified the women either through their birth cohorts ( current age ) or their marriage cohorts ( years since first marriage ). Realizing that the two fundamental aspects of a woman's chlld bearing life - the number of children she has had and the tempo of her having had them - cannot be fully separated as the results based on one type of measure do not always correspond to those obtained through another. We have, therefore, presented a brief synthesis of various findings in the concluding section

Dimensions of Urban Growth in Pakistan

The urban population of Pakistan has grown almost fourfold, over the last two decades. It is estimated that it will increase by 55.5 million by the year 2000 [Blacker (n.d.)]. The increases in urban population is attributed to either continued rural to urban migration or natural increase. As a consequence of the above increase in population the urban living conditions are under great pressure. I~ is therefore important to analyse the dimensions of urban growth and examine its social and economic implications. The objectives of the present study are: 1. To analyse the trends and variations in urban growth; 2. To decompose the components of urban growth and analyse which component has contributed more to urban growth; and 3. To analyse some of the implications of urban growth

Consanguineous Marriages in Pakistan

In societies where marriage is nearly universal, and the fertility process is almost entirely through marital union, the factors associated with the occurrence of marriage, and through it the reproduction and rearing of children, need to be continuously assessed. Except for prohibited relationships, marriages between close and distant relations, as well as between those not related have been practiced among the muslims. The high incidence of close kin marriages (consanguineous marriages),t including those with first cousins, is a well-known feature of a muslim society. Marriages between close relatives are not only practiced by muslims but also by the people of many other religious. affiliations. Within the South Asian subcontinent, besides muslims, christians and other communities, consanguineous marriages have also been practiced by hindus, especially in the south Indian states, and in the central state of Maharashtra. In the northern states of India the prohibition on such marriages is more strictly enforced.2 In the south Indian state of Andhra a high proportion of maternal uncle-niece in addition to cross-cousin marriages (especially among maternal cross-cousins) have been in a high propor.........