Determinants of the Declining Share of Agricultural Labour Force to Total Labour Force in Pakistan

The agricultural labour force in Pakistan has been increasing rapidly due to population growth as well as a declining mortality rate. However, the share of the agricultural labour force to total labour force has been decreasing. The objective of this paper is to search for the factors responsible for this decline. The period covered is from 1959•60 to 1986-87. The development process is characterised as one which brings about a fundamental change in the structure of an economy. In this process, labour is shifted from low productivity areas, such as agriculture, to high productivity areas, such as the manufacturing, construction and transport sectors. The share of value added of agriculture in Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has declined from 46 percent in 1959- 60 to 25 percent in 1986-87. Hence, the key determinant of declining share of agricultural labour force to total labour force (RA LF) appears to be some measure of economic development

An Analysis of Public Expenditure on Education in Pakistan

Achieving economic growth is an important goal of any country. However, in recent years it has increasingly been realised that economic growth is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for human development. Pakistan provides a good example of a country which has historically enjoyed a respectable GDP growth rate and yet failed to translate this positive development into a satisfactory level of human development. Since its independence in 1947, Pakistan’s development policies have focused primarily on realising high economic growth and only incidentally on the task of providing social necessities. Such a process has given rise to a structure of production and distribution which has been only indirectly responsive to social goals. However, there is now a growing realisation that we could have done much better had we stressed human resource investments relatively more.

Analysis of Public Expenditure on Education in Pakistan

This study attempts to analyse the priorities accorded to Education by the federal as well as the provincial governments. Since education is in large part a provincial responsibility, a comparative analysis of the performance of the public sector education in the four provinces of Pakistan would be useful to provide feedbacks to the provincial administrations of relative strengths and weaknesses of their educational system. Also, differences in priorities and performance among provinces provide useful insights, and, more importantly, raise many questions for planners. Such an analysis is also necessary for overall resource allocation. The analysis will be extended to district level but confined to Punjab and Sindh due to data constraints. The study will also examine the disparities in budget allocations to education in the two provinces.Education; Public expenditures; Pakistan

Demand Side of Pakistan's Population Welfare Programme

Because of a continuously moderate decline in mortality specially during the first two decades of the twentieth century and more remarkably after the Second World War, the population of developing countries, including Pakistan, grew faster over time. High rates of population growth and the characteristics associated with it constituted a serious challenge to desired economic development in these countries [United Nations (1973)]. It was for these reasons that a number of developing countries in the process of development considered and adopted as part of their development efforts a population policy aimed at reducing the rate of population growth through fertility decline. In the early 1960s, few countries including Pakistan considered family planning programmes as an integral part of their development policies. By the end of 1960, family planning programmes had been initiated in many developing countries and such programmes became an integral part of the national plans [Freedman and Berelson (1976)]. By the mid-1970s, it was observed that many developing countries had succeeded in enhancing their programme activities and in achieving contraceptive use which was responsible for reducing fertility levels in those countries. However in many developing countries, including Pakistan, the family planning programmes could not achieve a breakthrough in contraceptive use and fertility decline although the programmes had been ambitiously pursued there for more than a decade [Frinkle and Crane (1975) and Berelson (1975)]

An Analysis of Public Expenditure on Education in Pakistan

Achieving economic growth is an important goal of any country. However, in recent years it has increasingly been realised that economic growth is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for human development. Pakistan provides a good example of a country which has historically enjoyed a respectable GDP growth rate and yet failed to translate this positive development into a satisfactory level of human development. Since its independence in 1947, Pakistan’s development policies have focused primarily on realising high economic growth and only incidentally on the task of providing social necessities. Such a process has given rise to a structure of production and distribution which has been only indirectly responsive to social goals. However, there is now a growing realisation that we could have done much better had we stressed human resource investments relatively more. The Education For All (EFA) movement, started more than a decade ago in 1990, accelerated the process of human resource development in many developing countries. The EFA refers to the global commitment to ensure that all children would complete Primary Education of good quality. A decade after, the Millennium Declaration resolved to ensure, by 2015, that all children would be able to complete a course of primary education

Fertility Levels, Trends and Differentials in Pakistan: Evidence from the Population, Labour Force and Migration Survey 1979-80

The objectives of the present report are two fold: (1) to analyse in some detail the fertility data collected in "Population, Labour Force and Migration" (PLM) Survey of 1979; and (2) to compare its findings, wherever necessary, with those of PFS (particularly for current fertility) and other surveys. The report is organized into eight sections, Section 2 is a brief review of earlier fertility levels and trends. Discussion of the PLM Survey and its methodology finds its place in section 3. In Section 4, we have discussed the current parity (children ever born to women at the time of the survey ) by age, marriage duration and age at marriage, as well as differentials in current parity. Early, marital fertility is discussed in section 5. The next two sections provide brief accounts of current fertility. In order to structure our analysis we have identified the women either through their birth cohorts ( current age ) or their marriage cohorts ( years since first marriage ). Realizing that the two fundamental aspects of a woman's chlld bearing life - the number of children she has had and the tempo of her having had them - cannot be fully separated as the results based on one type of measure do not always correspond to those obtained through another. We have, therefore, presented a brief synthesis of various findings in the concluding section

Fertility Levels, Trends and Differentials in Pakistan: Evidence from the Population, Labour Force and Migration Survey 1979-80

The objectives of the present report are two fold: (1) to analyse in some detail the fertility data collected in "Population, Labour Force and Migration" (PLM) Survey of 1979; and (2) to compare its findings, wherever necessary, with those of PFS (particularly for current fertility) and other surveys. The report is organized into eight sections, Section 2 is a brief review of earlier fertility levels and trends. Discussion of the PLM Survey and its methodology finds its place in section 3. In Section 4, we have discussed the current parity (children ever born to women at the time of the survey ) by age, marriage duration and age at marriage, as well as differentials in current parity. Early, marital fertility is discussed in section 5. The next two sections provide brief accounts of current fertility. In order to structure our analysis we have identified the women either through their birth cohorts ( current age ) or their marriage cohorts ( years since first marriage ). Realizing that the two fundamental aspects of a woman's chlld bearing life - the number of children she has had and the tempo of her having had them - cannot be fully separated as the results based on one type of measure do not always correspond to those obtained through another. We have, therefore, presented a brief synthesis of various findings in the concluding section