Some Thoughts on the Integration of Diversity

In contrast to the 1977 Founding Conference, when a much smaller number of participants concentrated, of necessity, on structural and definitional issues, the Lawrence Convention offered 246 sessions on an impressively wide range of topics to over 1,000 participants from most states and several countries. With twelve or more sessions running simultaneously at any time, the program could and did reflect the diverse constituencies within the NWSA. Sometimes, indeed, it almost seemed that there was too much diversity; those working backstage were chagrined to see how often individual lifestyles and preferences were translated into demands for alterations in practical arrangements which were exceedingly difficult to honor, given our shoestring budget. At other times, and depending upon one\u27s perspective, it seemed that there was not enough diversity. For instance, women representing community programs sometimes regarded academic women as narcissistically lost in their own research and careers. Some Third World women said that they felt undervalued and underrepresented, and insisted that for the Association to eradicate its own racism, they would need to hold power in excess of their numbers. The few men present, not represented by any caucus, were sometimes treated like secondclass citizens, with some women questioning their right to any involvement in the proceedings. Married women, particularly those who brought children, often received condescension or disapproval from their more separatist sisters

Isolated housewives and complex maternal worlds: the significance of social contacts between women with young children in industrial societies.

This article reconsiders the picture of the mother of young children in industrialised societies as the 'isolated housewife', suggesting this notion is by no means straightforward. We suggest there is considerable evidence for the existence of mothers' social contacts and their significance both as 'work' and 'friendship' in industrial societies. A pre-occupation with the notion of the 'isolation' of 'housewives' has led social researchers to neglect sustained examination of the social relationships within which many/most mothers are involved on a day-to-day basis. Complexities of interpretation, for example what 'isolation' can actually mean, need to be drawn out from the existing literature. Evidence presented from two recent ethnographic studies shows patterned opportunities/constraints occurring in relation to mothers' social contacts within localised settings, whether through organised groups or other personal ties. The complex nature of individual women's social contacts is thus brought out. Some key questions are raised for the importance to sociology, anthropology and social policy of these apparently insignificant or invisible women's networks