[Book Review of] Jaimie Bleck and Nicholas Van de Walle. Electoral Politics in Africa Since 1990: Continuity and Change

Jaimie Bleck and Nicolas van de Walle’s Electoral Politics in Africa offers unique insights into the complex relationship between elections, democracy, and change (or lack thereof) in Africa. The authors claim that electoral politics in Africa since 1990 have been marked essentially by political continuity—for both good and bad. Multiparty elections are an element of continuity, “as once countries started to hold multiparty elections they continued to do so,” but the democratic gains are not yet observable in most countries, and we still find the same political class as well as pervasive clientelism.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

Popular Protest, Political Opportunities, and Change in Africa

This book offers a fresh analysis of third wave popular protests in Africa, shedding light on the complex dynamics between political change and continuity in contemporary Africa. The book argues that protests are simultaneously products and generators of change in that they are triggered by micro-and-macrosocial changes, but they also have the capacity to transform the nature of politics. By examining the triggers, actors, political opportunities, resources, and framing strategies, the contributors shed light onto tangible (e.g. policy implementation, liberal reforms, political alternation) and intangible (e.g. perceptions, imagination, awareness) forms of change elicited by protests. It reveals the relevant role of African protests as engines of democracy, accountability, and collective knowledge. Bringing popular protests in authoritarian and democratic settings into discussion, this book will be of interest to scholars of African politics, democracy, and protest movements.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

Zambia

Zambia became increasingly authoritarian under Patriotic Front (PF) President Edgar Lungu, who had been elected in a tightly contested presidential election in 2016. The runner-up, the United Party for National Development (UPND), engaged in a series of actions to challenge the validity of the results. The UPND saw 48 of its legislators suspended for boycotting Lungu’s state of the nation address and its leader, Hakainde Hichilema, was arrested on charges of treason after his motorcade allegedly blocked Lungu’s convoy. Independent media and civil society organisations were under pressure. A state of emergency was declared after several arson attacks. Lungu announced his intention to run in the 2021 elections and warned judges that blocking this would plunge the country into chaos. The economy performed better, underpinned by global economic recovery and higher demand for copper, the country’s key export. Stronger performance in the agricultural and mining sectors and higher electricity generation also contributed to the recovery. The Zambian kwacha stabilised against the dollar and inflation stood within the target. The cost of living increased. The country’s high risk of debt distress led the IMF to put off a $ 1.3 bn loan deal. China continued to play a pivotal role in Zambia’s economic development trajectory. New bilateral cooperation agreements were signed with Southern African countries.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

Transitions to democracy, institutional choices and party system stability: lessons from small African islands

It is not easy to understand why some African party systems manage to stabilise while others remain fluid. This article argues that institutional choices made during democratic transition impact the likelihood of party system stabilisation. The experiences of Cabo Verde, Comoros, São Tomé and Príncipe and Seychelles are compared; despite sharing many similarities (insularity, smallness, low ethnic diversity, authoritarian past, economic vulnerability and competitive elections), they differ substantively in terms of the patterns of interparty competition. It is shown that stabilisation is likely if party elites are able to control the rules of the game during the transition to democracy. A strategic choice of the party law, electoral system and executive system helps structure interactions over time and reduce uncertainty in electoral competition. The findings highlight the need to further explore the ‘black box’ of democratic transitions, and the role of agency in political outcomes in Africa.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

Popular Protest, Political Opportunities, and Change in Africa

This book offers a fresh analysis of third wave popular protests in Africa, shedding light on the complex dynamics between political change and continuity in contemporary Africa. The book argues that protests are simultaneously products and generators of change in that they are triggered by micro-and-macrosocial changes, but they also have the capacity to transform the nature of politics. By examining the triggers, actors, political opportunities, resources and framing strategies, the contributors shed light onto tangible (e.g. policy implementation, liberal reforms, political alternation) and intangible (e.g. perceptions, imagination, awareness) forms of change elicited by protests. It reveals the relevant role of African protests as engines of democracy, accountability and collective knowledge. Bringing popular protests in authoritarian and democratic settings into discussion, this book will be of interest to scholars of African politics, democracy and protest movements

Portuguese Citizens’ Support for Democracy: 40 Years after the Carnation Revolution

Forty years after the Carnation Revolution, the relatively young Portuguese democracy is experiencing dramatically low levels of public specific support for democracy. This article tests the leverage of demand-side and supply-side accounts to explain differentials in public satisfaction with democracy. Through ordinary least squares regression analyses that draw on the unique data of the ‘Barometer 40 Years of Democracy in Portugal (2014)’, this articles shows that age cohort, identification with extreme parties, evaluation of the country’s political past, and economic performance are strong correlates of citizens’ specific support for democrac

The Paradox of Isabel dos Santos State Capitalism, Dynastic Politics, and Gender Hostility in a Resource-Rich, Authoritarian Country

Throughout the world, the sons and daughters of many state leaders attract media attention for their exploits. Like other famous children of politicians, Isabel dos Santos, the daughter of José Eduardo dos Santos, the former president of Angola (1979-2017), is the object of much media scrutiny regarding her investments and lavish spending habits. We rely on a systematic study of newspaper articles by Angolan and international media, readers’ comments, social media and websites to examine the conflicting portrayals of Isabel from 2010 to 2018. This period covers celebratory depictions of Isabel during the growth of her business empire to her dismissal as head of Sonangol after her father left the presidency. We argue that the change in portrayals of Isabel over time offers insight into the dimensions of dynastic politics in authoritarian settings. Whereas her position as wealthy presidential daughter ironically reinforced patriarchal political oligarchy, her downfall demonstrates the limits of hereditary politics in Angola.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

Constituency Focus in Party‐Centered Systems: How Individual, Party, and District‐Level Factors Shape Parliamentary Questions in South Africa

What drives MPs' constituency focus in party-centered systems? Party-centered systems are expected to offer fewer incentives for constituency-focused behavior as it is parties rather than candidates that primarily drive competition. However, MPs in these systems may find good reason to cater to constituents’ interests as it allows them to attain multiple goals and satisfy competing principals. This study develops a theoretical model of constituency focus comprising individual, party, and district-level factors and tests it in South Africa, a party-centered system. Drawing on 22,724 questions submitted by MPs to the parliament between 2006 and 2023, as well as biographic data and interviews, it demonstrates that variation in MPs' constituency focus is explained by their level of electoral vulnerability, and to a lesser degree their seniority and local ties. Moreover, whether MPs belong to clientelistic parties and their constituency is a party stronghold are also relevant factors. The findings highlight the importance of incentives that go beyond electoral institutions and reaffirm the relevance of constituency links in party-centered systems.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

Explaining party system institutionalization in Africa : from a broad comparison to a focus on Mozambique and Zambia

Tese de doutoramento, Ciência Política (Política Comparada), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Direito, Faculdade de Letras, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, 2014The degree of institutionalization has become a paramount criterion to classify Third Wave party systems. Yet, in as much as institutionalization has attracted interest, it has also been surrounded by few conceptual challenges regarding measurement and scope. Moreover, there remain relatively open questions about the sources and mechanisms of varying degrees of party system institutionalization (PSI). This thesis tackles these issues through three questions: “To what extent are party systems in Sub-Saharan Africa institutionalized?” “Why do levels of PSI vary across countries and time?” and “What mechanisms underlie the different patterns of PSI?” These questions are sequentially analyzed through a mixed methods design that unfolds as follows. We start with applying a partly new model of PSI to 19 Sub-Saharan African countries that have held regular and competitive lower house elections up until 2011. This analysis stresses that institutionalization entails a two-fold variance; one in terms of degree and the other in terms of quality. Secondly, we seek to explain PSI variance using an original pooled time-series cross-sectional dataset that assembles a range of independent variables considered relevant by the literature on institutional and party system development. We argue that variance in PSI is influenced by exogenous (social structure, polity durability, institutional design) and endogenous factors (party and party system characteristics). Lastly, we seek mechanisms of causality behind the results given by the quantitative analysis focusing on Mozambique and Zambia, which differ both in degree and quality of PSI. Furthermore, other exogenous (critical juncture) and endogenous factors (interparty networks and party-citizen linkages) are added to the study, and semi-structured interviews, conducted during fieldwork, are used to enrich the narrative. The case study analysis shows that the way through which external factors, notably party funding/finance and electoral system, are modeled by internal factors such as the structure of the party system helps explain PSI variance

South–South cohesiveness versus South–South rhetoric: Brazil and Africa at the UN General Assembly

South–South relations have regained widespread interest in recent years, together with increasingly visible stances on international stages. Brazil’s interactions with the African continent, in particular, came to epitomise such a perception while sustaining an expectation of mutual alignment in several global issues. However, these assumptions still lack empirical corroboration. Drawing on United Nations General Assembly voting data for the 1991–2013 timeframe, this article questions a supposed South–South solidarity at the multilateral institution with the largest global representation and identifies key thematic axes that incite greater collective stances. The analysis further sheds light on whether or not a common South–South agenda has emerged over time.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio