Praetorian spearhead: the role of the military in the evolution of Egypt’s state capitalism 3.0

Military involvement in the Egyptian economy is giving rise to a new version of state capitalism. Driven by Arab socialism in the 1960s and reshaped by privatisation in the 1990s, under President Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi the state has sought to bend the private sector to its capital investment strategy while continuing to profess commitment to free market economics. His administration seeks private sector investment, but exclusively on its own terms. This is demonstrated through the expansion and diversion of military economic activity in five sectors: real estate development, creation of industrial and transport hubs, rentier or extractive activities related to natural resources, relations with the private sector, and the effort to increase the state’s financial efficiency while seeking private investment to help capitalise the public sector. This approach may generate macro-level economic growth and improve the efficiency of public finances, but it also reinforces the grip of the state rather than consolidating free markets. Reflecting this, private sector investment in the economy is lower today than it was in the socialist phase of the 1960s

Une escalade maîtrisée ? L'Égypte et l'Armée de libération de la Palestine (1964-1967)

Trente ans après la guerre israélo-arabe de juin 1967, les circonstances qui y ont conduit font à nouveau l'objet de travaux de recherche. La fin de la guerre froide et la possibilité désormais d'accéder à certains documents officiels aux États-Unis, en Union soviétique, en Grande-Bretagne et en Israël, ont permis aux survivants de ces événements de procéder à des comparaisons et de reconstituer dans le détail les prises de décision nationales. Bon nombre d'historiographes ont mis l'accent su..

La sécurité de l'Etat palestinien : redéfinir les principes fondamentaux

Redifining the Basics : the Security of the Palestinian State, by Yezid Sayigh This essay looks at the threats to Palestinian security, and then redefines the concept of security of a future Palestinian state, discussing the relevance of notions of deterrence and defence. It argues that Palestinian security, like that of Israël, will operate within an « existential matrix » composed of three main éléments — political, territorial and security — and that trade-offs must be made between them, on both sides. The freedom to express national identity and exercise collective sovereignty — self-determination — is imperative, and is based on possession of land and resources. The mainstay of Palestinian self-protection and defence is based not on military means, but on the political deterrence gained from membership in regional bodies for collective or cooperative security. The essay concludes with a proposal for such bodies — built around an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian triangle or an Arab-lsraeli « security community » — to underpin peace.Cet article traite des menaces qui pèsent sur la sécurité palestinienne ; à cette fin, il redéfinit le concept de sécurité d'un futur Etat palestinien, analysant la pertinence des concepts de dissuasion et de défense. L'auteur soutient, d'une part, que la sécurité des Palestiniens tout comme celle d'Israël, devra s'inscrire dans le cadre une problématique essentielle et composée de trois éléments — politique, territorial et relatif la sécurité — et que, d'autre part, tous deux devront échanger des concessions. La liberté d'exprimer leur identité nationale et d'exercer leur souveraineté collective — l'autodétermination — est nécessaire, et repose sur la « possession » un territoire et le contrôle de ses ressources. La sécurité palestinienne sera garantie, non point par l'usage de la force militaire, mais grâce au pouvoir de dissuasion politique que confère l'appartenance des organisations régionales ou des instances collectives de sécurité. En conclusion, l'auteur propose la mise en place de différentes formules de sécurité: une « zone » ouverte tripartite israélo-jordano-palestinienne ou une structure commune de sécurité israélo-arabe.Sayigh. La sécurité de l'Etat palestinien : redéfinir les principes fondamentaux. In: Politique étrangère, n°4 - 1992 - 57ᵉannée. pp. 825-835

Agencies of Coercion: Armies and Internal Security Forces

The readiness of army commanders in Egypt and Tunisia to counter the internal security agencies deployed by their own governments against civilian protestors in early 2011 proved decisive in bringing down presidents-for-life Husni Mubarak and Zayn al-ʿAbidin bin ʿAli. This brings into sharp relief questions about how to approach and assess the various coercive agencies of the state. Should we regard them as different branches of a single coercive apparatus, through which the state seeks to exercise a monopoly on the legitimate means of violence? Or should we see them as manifestations of more fragmented political institutions and social forces and consequently as performing distinct, and potentially divergent, functions in constantly evolving relation to each other?</jats:p