Inequality of happiness in nations

The first comparison of happiness in nations took place in 1948 and involved 9 countries (Buchanan, 1953). A second comparative study in 1960 covered 14 nations (Cantril 1965) and this was followed by a global survey in 1975 carried out by Gallup (1976), in which happiness in all parts of the world was assessed. Today we have comparable data on happiness in 90 nations and for a dozen nations we also have time series of 40 to 25 years (Veenhoven 2004). These data provide the fuel for a rising number of publications on happiness in nations. Currently, the Bibliography of Happiness counts some 400 entries on this subject, 20% of which have been published over the last 5 years. To date, all the studies have been focused on the level of happiness in nations, that is, on how happy citizens are in a country. In this special issue we look at the same data from a different perspective and focus on difference in happiness in nations, that is, on the degree of divergence with regard to happiness found among citizens in a particular country

Rising happiness in nations,1946-2004. A reply to Easterlin

ABSTRACT The ‘Easterlin paradox’ holds that economic growth does not add to the quality-of-life and that this appears in the fact that average happiness in nations has not risen in the last few decades. The latest trend data show otherwise. Average happiness has increased slightly in rich nations and considerably in the few poor nations for which data are available. Since longevity has also increased, the average number of happy life years has increased at an unprecedented rate since the 1950s

Is Happiness a trait?

ABSTRACT One of the ideological foundations of the modern welfare states is the belief that people can be made happier by providing them with better living conditions. This belief is challenged by the theory that happiness is a fixed 'trait', rather than a variable 'state'. This theory figures both at the individual level and at the societal level. The individual level variant depicts happiness as an aspect of personal character; rooted in inborn temperament or acquired disposition. The societal variant sees happiness as a matter of national character; embedded in shared values and beliefs. Both variants imply that a better society makes no happier people. Happiness can be regarded as a trait if it meets three criteria: 1) temporal stability, 2) cross-situational consistency, and 3) inner causation. This paper checks whether that is, indeed, the case. The theory that happiness is a personal-character-trait is tested in a (meta) analysis of longitudinal studies. The results are: 1) Happiness is quite stable on the short term, but not in the long run, neither relatively nor absoloutely. 2) Happiness is not insensitive to fortune or adversity. 3) Happiness is not entirely built-in: its genetic basis is at best modest and psychological factors explain only part of its variance. The theory that happiness is a national-character-trait is tested in an analysis of differences in average happiness between nations. The results point in the same direction: 1) Though generally fairly stable over the last decades, nation-happiness has changed profoundly in some cases both absolutely and relatively. 2) Average happiness in nations is clearly not indep

Developments in satisfaction-research

This paper reviews advances in the study of satisfaction in the context of Social Indicators Research. Five developments are considered: 1) changes in the conceptualization of satisfaction, 2) advances in the measurement of satisfaction, 3) growth of a significant body of comparative data on satisfaction, 4) the map of satisfaction that emerges from these developments, 5) resulting advances in understanding of the appraisal-process, and 6) developments in the use of the satisfaction concept in wider conceptions of welfare.

The Wealth of Nations and the Happiness of Nations: Why “Accounting” Matters

happiness, income, life satisfaction, national well-being, subjective well-being,