What makes countries initiate WTO disputes on food-related measures?

This paper analyses relevant parameters for initiating a World Trade Organization (WTO) dispute on foodrelated measures and thereby contributes to the question how open de facto the system is for different types of countries. The empirical analysis differs from existing assessments by focussing on agri-food related disputes, thereby allowing for a more in-depth analysis of specific country characteristics not considered in previous studies. The results show that some determinants such as legal capacity and monetary means are not statistically significant for agri-food dispute initiations. This is the case for own protectionist behavior and endured protectionism which lower and enlarge the probability to complain, respectively.WTO disputes, agri-food disputes, binomial distribution model of complaints, International Relations/Trade,

The Bioterrorism Act of the USA and international food trade: evaluating WTO conformity and effects on bilateral imports

The September 11th event focused the world’s attention on the threat of bioterrorism on the food chain. As a consequence, the USA implemented the Bioterrorism Act (BTA) containing new import requirements that can be classified as non-tariff barriers (NTBs). This paper analyses these NTBs by performing an assessment of WTO conformity and trade impact: hereby general problems in the analysis of bioterrorist risks are explored as for this new and unknown threat explicit WTO rules are still missing. Additionally, in exploring the BTA relevant process standard rules laid out by the WTO, the analysis indicates the extensive flexibility provided in this framework. This leads to larger scope for national polices on process standards compared to product standards (e.g. residua levels). The empirical trade flow analysis illustrates differences in the compliance costs between countries. This differentiation can be caused by learning costs that may differ among countries. The analysis highlights that perishable products and countries with small import quantities are mostly affected.food terrorism, non-tariff barriers, trade facilitation, Bioterrorism Act, international food trade, SPS Agreement, International Relations/Trade,

A stable countryside for a stable country? The effects of a DCFTA with the EU on Tunisian agriculture

Agriculture is central to the stability of Tunisia’s economy and society. The new Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA) under negotiation with the EU offers opportunities for the agricultural sector, but also presents risks for the country as a whole. Within Tunisia there is strong emotional resistance to the DCFTA. Its intensity is comparable to the strength of feeling against the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) in Germany a few years ago. In addition to criticisms of specific topics in the talks, a string of issues fuel this categorical rejection: wariness of European dominance; negative experiences with transformations in the agricultural sector, especially in relation to land ownership; as well as the tradition - prevalent across North Africa - of securing food security through protectionist trade policy. Sustainability impact assessments demonstrate positive welfare effects on growth and standard of living – but many concerns about ecological and social repercussions appear justified. Such negative effects can be avoided through concrete solutions within the agreement, and even better through appropriate Tunisian policies. The EU can address the categorical rejection by almost all stakeholders in Tunisia through better communication during negotiations. As well as appealing for commitment and responsibility on the Tunisian side, it will be important to approach Tunisian sensitivities with awareness and respect. Above all, Tunisian researchers should be more involved in DCFTA sus­tainability impact assessments and participate in public debate on these studies. Regardless of the success or failure of the talks, Tunisian agriculture needs to be promoted and developed. The organic sector offers great ex­port opportunities and attractive employment opportunities for young people. (author's abstract

Food standards in trade agreements: differing regulatory traditions in the EU and the US and tips for the TTIP

The European Union is both the largest exporter and importer of agricultural products in the world. Its major trading partners are the United States, Argentina, Brazil, Russia, and China. This trade in agricultural products is influenced by a number of political measures. In addition to tariffs, trade in foodstuffs is increasingly influenced by so-called nontariff measures (NTMs), among which are threshold values for pesticide residues, production standards, and packing- and labeling standards. In fact, such measures can impact the costs of trade much more than tariffs. Reducing these NTMs within the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) offers enormous prospects for economic growth. (author's abstract

Yes, he can: Trump provokes a trade war: a clever EU will refrain from further tariffs but hold firm on WTO rules

The transatlantic trade dispute is escalating: After the United States (US) introduced additional tariffs on steel and aluminium, hectic negotiations began with the European Union (EU). First, the EU obtained a temporary derogation before increasing tariffs on a long list of particularly symbolic and politically sensitive products, such as orange juice and Harley-Davidson motorcycles. At the same time, the EU, in concert with other states, made the first move in a possible World Trade Organization (WTO) dispute procedure against the US. The US, in the meantime, has signalled the next round by deciding to examine options for tariffs on cars. Existing multinational rules leave only a limited scope for tariff increases, all of which bear the risk of further escalation. It would therefore be wise for the EU not to exhaust this leeway but to keep cool and stay liberal in its approach to trade. (Autorenreferat

What makes countries initiate WTO disputes on food-related issues?

This paper analyses relevant determinants for the probability to initiate a dispute on policy measures under the World Trade Organization (WTO) dispute settlement system. The empirical analysis differs from existing assessments by focusing on agri-food related disputes and provides a more in-depth analysis of specific country and sectoral characteristics not considered in previous studies. Contrary to recent analyses of overall trade disputes, the results show that some determinants such as legal capacity and monetary means are not statistically significant. Own protectionist behaviour, endured protectionism, and the duration of WTO membership, however, could be identified as relevant determinants with the expected direction of impact.WTO dispute, agri-food sector, binary choice model, International Relations/Trade,

What makes countries initiate WTO disputes on food-related issues?

This paper analyses relevant determinants for the probability to initiate a dispute on policy measures under the World Trade Organization (WTO) dispute settlement system. The empirical analysis differs from existing assessments by focusing on agri-food related disputes and provides a more in-depth analysis of specific country and sectoral characteristics not considered in previous studies. Contrary to recent analyses of overall trade disputes, the results show that some determinants such as legal capacity and monetary means are not statistically significant. Own protectionist behaviour, endured protectionism, and the duration of WTO membership, however, could be identified as relevant determinants with the expected direction of impact.WTO dispute, agri-food sector, binary choice model, International Relations/Trade, C12, C13, F13,

The Bioterrorism Act of the USA and international food trade: Evaluating WTO conformity and effects on bilateral imports

The September 11th event focused the world's attention on the threat of bioterrorism to the food chain. As a consequence, the U.S. implemented the Bioterrorism Act (BTA). These new administrative import rules will be evaluated regarding WTO conformity and trade impact. This analysis is based on an inventory approach systematizing the BTA, and a trade flow analysis. The BTA do not significantly deviate from WTO rules, however, the findings are driven by existing flexibility in international administrative import guidelines. The trade analysis highlights that products and countries with prior expedited or less regulated procedures and small import quantities are affected.Food Consumption/Nutrition/Food Safety, International Relations/Trade,

Sustainable supply chains in the agricultural sector: adding value instead of just exporting raw materials; corporate due diligence within a coherent, overarching and partnership-based EU strategy

The corona pandemic has placed supply chains back on the agenda. The economic repercussions spotlight the complexity of today's global division of labour. Current German and European initiatives are seeking to tighten the responsibility of final business consumers for human rights and sustainability in their supply chains. The objective is to enforce sustainable production in sovereign third countries. In the case of agriculture these explicitly supply chain-based approaches need to be backed up by improvements in the European Union's trade, investment and agricultural policies. Influencing agricultural supply chains in such a way as to overcome their specific sustainability and human rights problems will require all approaches to be combined. Currently, conventional approaches treat supply chains in isolation, and only address imports flowing into the EU. As such, they consider developing countries exclusively in their traditional role as suppliers of raw agricultural commodities and ignore options for increasing local value added and fostering development. (author's abstract

EU-Tunisia DCFTA: good intentions not enough - shift needed from deep to deliberate, comprehensive to coherent and from free to fair trade

The European Union has been negotiating a new free trade agreement (DCFTA) with Tunisia since 2016, seeking to expand mutual market access for all goods, and also services and investments. But great obstacles remain to be overcome. The EU hesitates to grant concessions on agriculture that would make a deal attractive to Tunis, while overall resistance exists within Tunisian civil society, business and politics. A shrewd agreement could promote economic modernisation and growth, to strengthen and stabilise Tunisia’s young democracy. That is obviously also in the EU's interest. But substantial progress cannot be expected until after elections to the European Parlia­ment and parliamentary and presidential elections in Tunisia in late 2019. The inter­vening period should be used to generate a broader consensus in Tunisia and to enable Tunis to create a negotiating strategy of its own. (author's abstract